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These feelings of being different and superior stimulated the formation of an European identity. They were also the foundation for emotional, political, ideological, intellectual and cultural discourses that led to expansionist Universalist projects, such as the propagation of Christianity during the age of the discoveries or the dissemination of the ideals of civilization and progress during the European Enlightenment Strath, This process is visible and determinant in texts about travels and in accounts of travelers. I want to point out that despite efforts to develop a history of the Atlantic, the discovery and exploration of the South Atlantic and the establishment of colonial communities have been analyzed mainly as an extension of the national history of European kingdoms and the formation of empires.

Undeniably, the sources for the interpretation of discoveries and expansion as the history of nations are now interpreted differently. This helps to clarify issues for current historiography. The reinterpretation is still contextualized on the history of a specific kingdom, as the colonial enterprise of a specific nation or as a piece of the puzzle to understand a specific empire.

Many compilations about the Atlantic world are guided by this point of view, like the aforementioned Atlantic History , directed by Jack P. This compartmentalization shows one of the difficulties historians inevitably encounter: Undoubtedly, these are important determining factors to consider. It seems to me that when historiography analyses sources, even when using innovative interpretations and perspectives, it mainly uses documents made by empires to obtain an image of the organizations, dynamics, internal functioning of the centers and peripheries and the relationships between them.

Could it be possible to make other interpretations based on external views, that is to say, with information from travel literature written by authors who are independent from those empires? The benefits and limitations of different historical approaches to the Atlantic have been amply evaluated. In an attempt to define the meanings, advantages, limits, and main structural tendencies of Atlantic history, Alison Games states that using this ocean as a geographical and historical unit deepens our perception of long term transformations and makes it possible to reinterpret old topics from an innovative point of view.

So, these authors consider that the Atlantic as a subject of study is no less evident and coherent -even while it is more artificial- than the Mediterranean as studied by Fernand Braudel: Games points out that writing history from an Atlantic perspective can be particularly challenging and motivating, and illustrates this with the three axes that, according to her, unite the main studies about Atlantic history: A pertinent objection to this enunciate, shared by this author, is that colonial and imperial studies tend to analyze the regions from an European point of view and from the national geography of the empire in question.

Therefore, there are not many studies that cross physical and cultural, historical and current borders, be they imperial, national or regional Games, Caroline Williams defends that though this is not the only hindrance put to Atlantic historians, it is undoubtedly one of the limits to consider. The great challenges they pose are: Also, sometimes a study like that is not considered to be valid or worthwhile in a certain area of specialty or in the accustomed historiographical current Williams, And also, how the descriptions of this important peripheral part of the empire affected the image of the Portuguese nation the cultured Europeans of 18th century imperial centers had.

It is important to clarify that with this brief mention to the afore mentioned studies on the Atlantic world and Atlantic history I do not intend to dwell upon the discussion about methodological concepts and issues; these only serve to contextualize this article and to put the multiple meanings of the Atlantic in perspective.

Here, the Atlantic is the stage where the different players carry out the actions I am studying. That is to say, the European travelers of the first half of the 18th century and the registers they made of colonial Luso-Brazilian society. I think it is important to point out that the men of the 18th century did not have the notion of an Atlantic world as a unity established by the sea.

They never used this concept, nor did they have a coherent view of the ocean as a unity [1]. For the Europeans of the 18th century the ocean was, first and foremost, a means of movement and communication. They knew the dominant winds and currents, islands and ports of call that determined the routes of ships; there were unpredictable storms and calms that made sea travel difficult and harmed ships and food; these travels were feared because of the diseases and unforeseen events that could arise at any moment during the navigation.

It was a way to reach the African or American coasts, to get to other regions that seemed fascinating for many European countries on an economical, scientific and political level -like the southern seas and still unknown regions for dominion and colonization; or the East and the Chinese empire that had an interest for the exchange of goods, merchandise and scientific knowledge. Besides the idea of the ocean as a transnational space where Europeans circulated, I want to stress that I set out from the following:. Europeans felt they had a mission to spread Catholicism and civilization, well-being and progress in those societies [2].

In this same line of thought, Juan Pimentel suggests that in this period, Europe had a common culture and feelings of belonging and identity that were intensified by encounters with other cultures outside of Europe; so these encounters implied both contact and distancing Pimentel, Despite these statements, I cannot defend the idea that 18th century Europe was considered to be a whole Harvey, Besides being constituted by different nations, kingdoms and empires, there was a Mediterranean Europe formed by Iberian peoples that was different from the rest of the continent.

Spaniards were defined as brutes, ignorant, savages, barbarians and the Portuguese were considered to be indolent, superstitious, prejudiced and ignorant Domingues, Of course, I acknowledge the importance of the interactions between monarchies in Europe, in terms of political, diplomatic, ideological, political-dynastic relations, for the understanding of discourses and imperial policies and for the framework of relations between the citizens of different empires around the world.

The exercise of power in the colonies was deeply interlinked and related to the exercise of power in the centers of the empires. It is in encounters in the colonies and at the colonial frontiers where one can most clearly see the interrelations between representatives of different powers of the empires; for example when travelers observe, compare and describe the colonial societies at the shores of the Atlantic and individual or group behaviors.

Cultural differences were probably exaggerated by travelers and sailors when they encountered societies that were not their own and over which they wanted to show some kind of superiority or gain some profit Reynolds, Predictably, they developed feelings of recognition and affinity or incomprehension and wonder. This presupposes the existence of one single European cultural matrix and an European cosmopolitan sociability, as well as different identity principles according to the differences between nationalities.

They show the rivalries and antagonisms that existed between nations, particularly in the case of rivals who competed to establish ultramarine imperial projects and in the navigation of the seas Domingues, I obviously agree with Games I would also argue that many times, occasional contacts in ports or between individuals can have disproportionate and unexpected repercussions.

I am thinking, for example, how a short stay in exotic and unknown places can influence and remain in the European imaginary and mentalities if it is amply spread by literary and visual registers -by travel literature- and for a long time influence the image cultured Europeans of the 18th century had of other worlds beyond their frontiers and at the other side of the sea. I also think that the information spread by travelers about these transitory, specific situations was generalized and amplified by cultured European readers to a richer and more diversified reality: Given these issues, I intend to make a reinterpretation of the accounts of travels in the south Atlantic during the first half of the 18th century -accounts that are normally descriptive, emphasizing customs and the picturesque, the way in which travelers saw society, administration and economy in the Brazilian colony.

Now I use these accounts to see how this literature contributed to explain and validate the cultural differences in Europe. In its global mission, Europe was considered to be one -united by a blind belief in the superiority of its civilization, where reason, progress, science and technology was used in the search for wellbeing, happiness and the common good of subjects and humanity. But internally, Europe was not conceived as one entity. In his first passing in front of the Brazilian coastline, Guy Le Gentil de La Barbinais anchored off Ilha Grande because he was afraid to get to Rio de Janeiro [4] ; in his journey back he anchored off Bahia and stayed there four months making a description of the city and its inhabitants.

Reflecting about Portugal and the Portuguese, Le Gentil de la Barbinais mentions a rather strange but interesting episode. According to the mercantilist logic of the time, in D. He wanted to know the opinion of his royal councilors about the advantages of manufacturing products for consumption in the kingdom, so as to control the circulation of gold, maintain wealth in Portugal and increase the power of the sovereign and the nation.

Henri de Massue, second marquis of Ruvigny and first earl of Galway, Ambassador Extraordinary of the British court in Portugal, expressed his opinion in an astute and ingenious manner [5].

According to the ambassador, Providence had its own plans. France, England and the northern countries were poor and their lands only produced iron, lead and crude metals. On the other hand, Iberian monarchs were lords of a new world where the earth produced gold and silver and the lands food and commodities in abundance. That is why Providence had, out of need, made North Europeans into hard-working, resourceful owners of manufacturers, while the Portuguese and Spaniards were inevitably indolent, rich, but owners of gold and silver.

So, the Iberian inclination towards indolence was not a natural characteristic, but something inspired by Providence:. This custom became a need: That ambition would be contrary to the decrees of Providence that wants there to be equilibrium in the Universe.

Your gold is destined to buy our merchandise and our merchants will no longer work if you join their activities. The British ambassador Henri de Massue was a French born diplomat and soldier, renowned for courageous action in service of the British Crown during the Nine Year War and the Spanish War of Succession, and appointed commander in chief of the British armies in by Queen Anne.

This division defined the condition of Portuguese and Spaniards in their relationships with other Europeans. The speech also disclosed a threat from the person who used to be the supreme general of the British troops during the campaigns of the Spanish War of Succession. So, the ambassador defended the idea that every nation had a role in the world and that this did not discredit the states, as it was part of a superior and legitimizing inevitability, of pure chance that benefitted some with favorable national conditions and stimulated others with the lack of natural resources.

That is, the new European potencies that had financial, naval and military power. The gold that until then had been acquired peacefully by commercial trade would be snatched away by the use of force. The death of Charles II of Spain and the crisis of monarchical succession of the biggest European kingdom affected the political equilibrium of Europe. So, the latent and open rivalries of the two northern European potencies could easily relocate to the seas and overseas imperial domains, involving other kingdoms and other colonies that were particularly interesting for their natural riches and productions.

Overseas territories were decisive for the equilibrium of the European forces and had a growing importance in the political, economic and military relations of the great potencies.

Os Litteratos em Lisboa: Poemeto by A. Ferreira de Freitas

This representation of Iberian peoples, and in this case, the Portuguese as indolent and wealthy, is recurrently used by La Barbinais. Like Galway, this traveler is a fervent believer in Providence and Its plans, and following this logic he defended that the Portuguese were only diligent when need forced them to work. According to La Barbinais, during the dominion of Maurice of Nassau, the Dutch had built fortifications and other works of such utility that if the Portuguese had taken the time to finish them, possession of the territory would have been certain: Likewise, when referring to his own period, he highlighted the work of a French military engineer he had met in Bahia and who was responsible for the construction and repair of several fortifications, especially on the carioca seashore.

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This engineer then went to serve the Portuguese monarch and was sent to Brazil. In the colony, he was responsible for the drawing and building of architectural projects destined to improve the defenses of Rio de Janeiro, Santos and Bahia, and the reinforcement of Luso-Brazilian military presence in the main ports where gold from the Cataquases mines was shipped, a presence permanently needed due to the attacks of Duclerc and Duguay-Trouin Bueno, As for the image La Barbinais draws of Luso-Brazilian colonial society, it is important to remember that his vision was determined by his contacts.

These were the result of a brief stay in Ilha Grande and a four-month stay in Bahia. As is to be expected, his observations are mainly about the colonial society in Bahia and he transfers them to the rest of Brazil and the Portuguese born there and other residents. According to him, Brazil was not more than a refuge for criminals and murderers, with no subordination or obedience whatsoever, who nonetheless pretend to be the most civilized people in the world: This hate is explained by the wars initiated by the French at the shore and the occupation of Rio de Janeiro.

La Barbinais used the viceroy's officials and the judges of the council of finance as paradigmatic reference: These were not just boxes of tea, lacquer and other Chinese trifles, but other, more important gifts: These courtesans and officials were the main culprit for the delays in repair and supply of ships, as well as the workmen in the docks, who never forgot to have a siesta after lunch. Everything was done with an incredibly slow pace and any activity related with travel fairing, caulking, carpentry and provisioning of ships, disembarking and taking care of the sick depended on formal authorizations, with indispensable and slow bureaucratic proceedings.

Without the latter, workers would not perform their functions. Besides corruption and inefficiency, another characteristic of this colonial population was licentiousness in all social classes and genders; men and women, secular and religious people, freemen and slaves. These excesses made the Portuguese of Brazil similar to the Spaniards of Peru: Commerce was the incentive of this society, mainly in luxury items and the traffic of slaves: The fleet from Lisbon carried silk from Genoa, cloth from England and Holland, textiles with gold and silver threads from Paris and Lyon, wine, oil, flour and salted meat, in exchange for sugar, tobacco, cotton, oil whale, leather and gold powder.

The ships that traveled from Bahia to the African coast carried tobacco, hard textiles from England and some gold for lucrative commerce. They brought back slaves: Both the poor of Ilha Grande and the rich merchants of Bahia depended on slaves.

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The account by Le Gentil de La Barbinais has an exceptional impact, in my point of view not only because of the large amount of information he gives about the Brazilian shore where he lived longer than most other travelers did, but also because he transmits and applies the thoughts of Lord Galway, who had political and diplomatic importance.

This is reflected in travel literature. The Enlightenment was a culture that valued above all the knowledge of nature -attempting to order plants and coastlines, men and seas under scientific logic- and as such produced accounts aimed at spreading unknown scientific information about exotic and distant worlds.

It also spread observations that implicitly contained national preconceptions, with inevitable repercussions on a political, economic and scientific level Valverde and Pimentel, The accounts had political implications of undeniable importance because besides scientific content -rigorously observed and never published before- and adventures and heroic acts by sailors, scientists and soldiers, they also expressed the conscience of its authors, as members of a nation and contributors for the construction of national memory and culture Goulemot, After these statements, the question is: How do these accounts -printed and spread with enormous speed- interact with the images and prejudices of Europeans, and how do they alter the European representations of Brazil and the Portuguese?

How did they confirm or doubt the stereotype of the Portuguese as lazy, prejudiced, indolent, and incapable of using science and technique for an efficient exploitation of their American colonies? And how were these scientific principles used to legitimize this idea of incapacity and incompetence of the Portuguese with regard to their colonial domains? What are the consequences this literature and images had in Europe so as to justify imperial ambitions of annexing Brazil?

These cultural differences could be determinant for the relations between European vassals present in Brazil. Far away from their country of origin, mathematicians and astronomers, doctors and naturalists, merchants and diplomats, sailors and missionaries saw themselves in the relations with subjects of other countries as proud and worthy representatives of their nations. This was particularly noticeable in the dynamics of powers in the most elementary gestures by travelers or hosts: In a Luso-Brazilian universe -strange, exotic, uncivil, and apparently chaotic, sometimes of doubtful and subversive morality- travelers tried to identify potential interlocutors and allies.

In those places, if the degree of civilization of the Portuguese could not be measured by infrastructure and technical-scientific constructions -as has seen the seventeenth-century Dutch were better-, it was evaluated by character, behavior and friendships, and by the proximity travelers established with prominent figures of the colonial society, like viceroys and governadores - generais.

The willingness of these personalities could mean protection and sympathy, or be translated into alliances of strategic value that were determinant to attain goods, repairs and provisioning of ships and favorable commercial transactions. These personalities were identified according to the pre-eminence of their position, competences and lineage; additionally, codes of behavior and conduct -understood as etiquette, the dominion of other languages- was considered to be an unequivocal sign of cosmopolitism and culture, and shared by the main figures that governed the colony [6].

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Froger points out that D. Likewise, La Barbinais The viceroy seemed to be an ally of French officials, particularly when he took their side in several audiences and reunions of the Conselho da Fazenda. In the first half of the 18th century travel literature did not include any criticism about the absolutist, despotic and unpredictable whimsical and unexplainable behaviors of Portuguese governors, or any contempt for the crass ignorance and lack of interest in science because of prevailing catholic dogma as Joseph Banks and Louis-Antoine de Bougainville would do later on.

Froger, La Barbinais, Rogers and John Young praised the polite, kind, loyal and upright conduct of viceroys and governors and the way in which this behavior contributed to maintain the controlled equilibrium of naval forces in South Atlantic seas when subjects of European nations at war crossed in Portuguese Brazilian ports. The travel registers were intended to pass on observations in foreign lands about navigation and the localization of ports and sandbanks, exact descriptions of animals, plants, fruits, metals, and reliable investigations about commerce, defense, government and the local customs.

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However, they were shaped by the prejudices of northern European societies, especially in what was concerned with the ideas about Luso-Brazilian society in the tropics, a multi-ethnic and multicultural society. The reports, accounts, descriptions, letters to family, friends, diplomats and merchants; and the maps, illustrations and drawings that accompanied many of these registers contributed to the image of Portuguese America as a very rich and prosper colony, commercially desirable, with ports with hectic activity, easily capable to provision the fleet headed for Lisbon.

Some of the provisions were essential for survival aboard, others were raw materials highly valued in European markets. Some of the latter were white refined sugar, plug tobacco and snuff, wood for naval establishments, construction of houses and furniture, plants for dyeing textiles in vermillion, indigo and ochre, cotton, rice, corn, leathers, fats, oil whale, fruits and vegetables, birds, fish, tortoises and shellfish.

But this colony was also able to produce Indian ginger and pepper, Ceylon cinnamon; oils, barks and balms that healed wounds and placated fevers and syphilis, like ipecac and copaiba; antidotes to the most aggressive poisons and powerful diuretics, like parreira - brava ; and other products of unknown qualities and uses that were investigated in European scientific academies like the Royal Society and the College de France, medical institutions, acclimatization gardens like Jardin du Roi and Kew Gardens, and industrial organisms Domingues, This potentially bottomless natural wealth, praised in accounts of travelers, contrasts with the lack of information on manufacturing industries [10].

There are mentions to individuals who performed tasks related with urban life, especially in ports -blacksmiths, tailors, tanners, locksmiths, carpenters, canoeists, caulkers- but the modesty of these day-to-day activities seemed inadequate and disproportionate to conveniently take advantage of the natural resources [11].

These same sources stated that the African slaves were the engines of this society. Slavery was the predominant form of work in an economy characterized by the plantation system and mining destined for export. Prominent historians point out that this was specific of the way the Portuguese assimilated the Old Regime in the tropics Souza, A perverse recreation, fed by the traffic of slaves and slavery, by the work of African negroes, a constant and dominant presence in large cities and small villages, at the seashore and inland, in haciendas and sugar refineries.

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But they would do nothing of the sort, and, because she was not as doleful as themselves, they declared that this miserable life was all she was fit for. But she was really far prettier and cleverer than they were; indeed, she was so lovely that she was always called Beauty. After two years, when they were all beginning to get used to their new life, something happened to disturb their tranquillity. Their father received the news that one of his ships, which he had believed to be lost, had Portfolios Escuela para idiotas.

Telkens rijst het vermoeden, dat de schrijver meer noodig geacht heeft dan boekenkennis, dat hij persoonlijk de plaatsen heeft bezocht, dat hij uit het verledene als een ooggetuige doet opdoemen.

OS Litteratos Em Lisboa - Poemeto (Portuguese, Paperback)

Uit het tijdvak, dat hij ons aanschouwelijk wil voorstellen, kan de inhoud der evangelien niet geheel verwijderd blijven, maar met welk eene soberheid en eerbied voor de letter is dit geschied. Reeds terstond blijkt dat bij den aanvang des verhaals, waar de schrijver niet een eigen verdicht verhaal Portfolios Tatrai orszaczky deserted downtown Tatrai orszaczky deserted downtown It remains for someone who is an artist, a psychologist, and an expert in human limitations to tell us how far the unessential is a necessary means to the essential to tell us whether it is easy or difficult or impossible for the artist to destroy every rung in the ladder by which he has climbed to the stars.

My first chapter epitomises discussions and conversations and long strands of cloudy speculation which, condensed to solid argument, would still fill two or three stout volumes: Mobile Call of duty war at wars ita. Call of duty war at wars ita: La marche des generations nous paraissait imprimee sur le sol meme par ces dernieres traces; elles racontaient a leur maniere les civilisations successives, et avec ces pages dechirees du passe, on pouvait presque recomposer le livre tout entier.