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[EBook #] Language: Spanish Character set encoding: UTF-8 Vivía con comodidad, y no era tacaño ni apuraba á los pobres caseros para que pérdida de tiempo, pues aunque deba ir arrastrándome seguiré mi itinerario. not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
Table of contents
- Translation of «tacaño» into 25 languages
- Similar authors to follow
- Meaning of "tacaño" in the Spanish dictionary
- Full text of "History Of Spanish Literatur E"
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Coordinadora Civilista Nacional C. A Spanish Edition Jul 14, Espejo de miserias Spanish Edition May 25, Provide feedback about this page. There's a problem loading this menu right now. It is tedious and carries to an extreme the generally medieval, but more particularly Spanish, vice of moralising.
His- torically, however, it has the importance of having intro- duced a form of verse, the cuadcrna via, which at once became fashionable and remained for two centuries the principal, if not the only, metrical form used for narrative verse. This is a dramatic sketch whose sole interest lies in its being the first effort of the Spanish drama. In Spain, as in England and France, the drama had a religious origin. Probably as early as the 10th century it was the custom to act certain scenes of Sacred History, usually at Easter and at Christ- mas, for the instruction of the laity.
These theatrical representations, beginning as tableaux, became dumb shows later, and afterwards were made more interesting by the introduction of short dialogues and songs. The per- formances took place within the church itself or within its precincts and were probably much the same as the pesebres which may still be seen in any Spanish village at Christmas. Gradually, the dialogue was worked up into regular dramatic form, and thus the Spanish drama was bom. Only one representative survives, El auto de los reyes magos, a fragment of lines which belongs linguistically to the 11th century.
Here, as in the poems, French influence is seen, for the piece is proved, by the inclusion in the Castilian version of two lines of Vergil which had crept into the original, to be a translation of a Franco-Orlcanese ritual. La Historia de la Literatura Espahola, by J.
Translation of «tacaño» into 25 languages
Paleneia, is useful for reference to facts. For an outline history of the language, see Manual de Gramatica historica espahola, by R. Mendndcz Pidal Madrid, For a full treatment of the heroic legend, the best works are W. A short comprehensive account of the geo- graphy of the Peninsula will be found in A Geography of Western Europe, edited by E.
The best edition of El poema de mio Cid is that of R. Men6ndez Pidal Madrid, He is no longer forced to deduce the existence of poems, for the works themselves survive ; and he even knows the names of authors and, in the majority of cases, something of their lives. This new turn of affairs was due to the different status of literature, which no longer remained merely the plaything of the masses, but became the diversion of the rich and learned.
Even in the darkest period of the Middle Ages churchmen had penned liturgies and moral treatises ; but their use of Latin as the instrument of expression deprived vernacular literature of their work. Now, how- ever, the development of the Romance language into a fit literary medium enabled those whose skill in Latin was small to compose works based on the old didactic themes, n but moulded in a new form. The authors were clergymen or men of rank and were conscious of their art. Hence, rules were formulated, and the first school of Spanish poetry came into being.
Its brief manifesto is contained in the Libro de Alejandro: Mester trago fremoso, no es de juglarla ; mester es sen pecado, ea es de clerecia, fablar curso rimado per la cuaderna via per silabas contadas, ca es gran maestria. The new mester de clerecia is here carefully distinguished from the old mester dejuglaria. Its sole metrical form was the cuaderna via , a four- lined stanza in which each line contained fourteen syl- lables and a medial caesura, the whole being bound together by a single consonantal rime.
The form was first used, as has been said above, in the Libro de Apolonio and was very different from the popular narrative verse with its assonance and irregular number of syllables. There was a difference in subject, too. Instead of the deeds of heroes sung by the joglares, the new school recounted the lives of saints or treated of theology or morals.
Proverbs, apologues, sermons, and other didactic matter were all proper to it, and in the later stages social criticism and satire were added. The descendant of the early imitations of French poems, it drew its subjects at first from French literature, but afterwards it threw off this influence and became entirely national. The first poet of the mester de clerecia was Gonzalo de Berceo, who also has the honour of being the first Cas- tilian poet to be known by name. Born about , he was educated in the monastery of San Millan de la Cogolla, where he became a secular priest.
The records of the monastery show him to have been ordained deacon in and priest in As he refers to himself in one of his poems as being old, it is thought that he lived on to about the middle of the century. His most important work is Los milagros de Nuestra Seiiora, a long poem consisting of an introduction and twenty-five fyttes. Each fytte relates a miracle per-. Hence, the poem is in effect a collection of tales. The subjects are drawn from the same source — probably a French one — as that used by Gautier de Coincy in his Miracles de la Sainte Vierge, but the Spanish poem, of which the following lines from the introduction will give some idea, is better than its French cousin: El prado que vos digo avie otra bondat: Por calor nin por frio non perdie su beldat ; Siempre estaba verde en su entegredat, Non perdie la verdura por nulla tempestat.
Manamano que fuy en tierra acostado. Do todo el laferio fui luego folgado: Oblide toda cuita, el la? Qui alii se morasse serie bien venturado! Los omnes e las aves quantas acaefien Levaban de las flores quantas levar querien: Mas mengua en el prado ninguna non fafien: Por una que levaban, tres e quatro nafien. Semeia esti prado egual de paraiso, En qui Dios tan grant grafia, tan grant bendifion miso ; El que crio tal cosa, maestro fue anviso.
Omne que hi morasse nunqua perdrie el viso. El fructo de los arbores era dulz e sabrido. Si don Adam oviesse de tal fructo comido, De tan mala manera non serie de 9 ebido, Nin tomarien tal danno Eva nin so marido. The garden is just such an one as the ordinary man might have wished for, one that was always green, always refreshing, and always fruitful: A morisco, or Moor dwelling in lands recovered by the Christians, composed a poem on the story of Joseph in Egypt.
The version is that of the Koran, and the tone of the poem is Moorish. Its most interesting feature is the use of Arabic script for the Castilian in which it is written. Literature of this type is known as aljamiada or de aljamla. The next step in the development of the mester de clcrccia was the adoption of a subject unconnected with theology, but regarded as fit for the attention of the learned because of its use in French literature.
El libro de Alejandro, an imitation of the Alexandreis of Gautier de Chatillon, has as its main theme the deeds of Alexander the Great, but contains much subsidiary matter, such as an account of the siege of Troy and a description of a descent to Hades. There is a great deal of moralising, an attack on contem- porary manners, and an apologue dealing with the sins of greed and envy. Except in some of the descriptive pas- sages, the poem is medievally dull. The transition from Alexander to a national hero was an easy one, and between and a poem was composed on the deeds of Fernan Gonzalez, the celebrated founder of the indepen- dence of Castile.
The next poet to assume the mantle of Berceo was Juan Ruiz, archpriest of Ilita. The greatest of the early Cas- tilian poets, little is known of him beyond what can be gathered from the autobiographical passages of his work.
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He seems to have been born at Alcala de Henarcs about and to have spent his life in the district of Madrid. He was imprisoned, for what cause we know not, by the arch- bishop of Toledo, and presumably this put an end to his archpriesthood. At any rate, he no longer held the office in He died somewhere about the middle of the century. According to his own description, he was broad shouldered and muscular and had a thick hairy neck.
Much may be learnt about his character from his work, which shows him to have been a lover of wine and women, but a shrewd observer and a humorous, though sharp-tongued, critic of manners. His only known work is a poem of stanzas in the cuaderna via and is entitled El libro de buen amor. It is a narrative poem on whose main theme of a journey undertaken by the poet is hung much humorous descrip- tion of persons of various kinds, chiefly of the lower classes.
Hence, Ticknor has compared the archpriest with Chaucer. But the Spaniard had not the breadth of vision or the depth of learning and experience of life of the Englishman. The autobiographical part of the work is undoubtedly one of the early shoots of the later rogue story. These elements are not original, but come from very varied sources.
Juan Ruiz, however, was no more a mere imitator than Shakspere was, and whatever he touched, he made it his own and transposed it in a brilliant manner to suit his own purposes. The literary device, afterwards used by Boccaccio and Chaucer, of hanging a number of tales on a central theme, was of Eastern origin.
English readers will remember its occurrence in the Arabian Nights. To the modern mind the portions of El libro de buen amor which deal with morals are insufferably dull, but Juan Ruiz realised the danger of large doses of didactic matter and he relieved them by sandwiching them in between lighter and less serious passages. How forceful and vivid was his narrative style will be seen from the following: Mas non vine por Lozoya, que joyas non traia ; Coidd tomar el puerto que es de la Fuentfria, Erre todo el camino, como quien lo non sabia. Por el pinar ayuso falle una vaquera, Que guardaba sus vacas en aquesa ribera ; 4 Homillome dije yo, 4 serrana fallagucra, Moranne he con vusco, o mostradme la carrera 4 Semejasme diz, 4 sandio, que ansi te conviclas ; Non te llegucs a mi, ante te Io comidas ; Sinon, yo te fare que mi cayada midas, Si en lleno te cojo, bien tarde la olvidas Como dice la fabla, del que de mal nos quita, Escarba la gallina e falla su pepita ; Probeme de llegar a la chata maldita: Diome con la cayada en la oreja fita.
Derribome la cuesta ayuso, c cai estordido ; Alii probe que era mal golpe el del oido: Por la cobdicia pierde el home el bien que tienc. Coida haber mas mucho de cuanto le convienc. Non ha lo que cobdicia, lo suyo non mantiene, Lo que contecio al perro, a estos tal les viene. Ensiemplo del alano que llevaba la pieza de came en la boca Alano carniccro en un rio andaba, Una pieza de carne en la boca pasaba, Con la sombra del agua dos tantol semejaba, Codiciola abarcar, caydselc la que Icvaba. Por la sombra mentirosa e por su coidar vano. La came que tenia perdidla el alano.
Non hobo lo que quiso, nol fue cobdiciar sano, Coido ganar, e perdi6 lo que tenia en su mano. Cada dia contece al cobdicioso atal, Coida ganar contigo, e pierde su cabdal. De aquesta raiz mala nace todo el mal: Es la mala cobdicia pecado mortal, st. The mesier de clerecia was now adopted by a purely didactic writer, whose name is unknown, but who produced a short collection of maxims which professed to be Pro- verbios en rima del sabio Salomon, rey de Israel. These take the form of a poem of stanzas written, not in the cuaderna via, but in a four- lined stanza of seven-syllabled lines riming alternately.
Here is seen perhaps the first sign of the disuse of the cuaderna via in the more ambitious forms of poetry. Lo que uno denucsta Veo ofero Joario ; Lo que este apuesta Aquel otro afearlo. Farian dos amigos Qiuta de un audio En que dos enemigos No meterlan un dedillo. The style of the Proverbios is concise see, for instance, the last two lines of stanza 57 , and the matter is wise rather than poetic. But in the Proverbios de Salomon and in the poem of Sem Tob the collection of popular saws, which was destined to become a definite genre in Spain, made its appearance for the first time.
We now come to the last of the poets of the mester de clerecia. Born in of noble parentage, he entered the household of Pedro el Cruel in and quickly received promotion. In the revolts against don Pedro, he supported that monarch until , when it became apparent that his interests lay on the side of the usurper don Enrique de Trastamara.
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At the battle of Aljubarrota, in which the Portuguese finally checked Castilian aggression, Ayala was taken prisoner and remained for fifteen months imprisoned in an iron cage in the castle of Oviedes. He was ransomed in and on his return to Spain became a member of the Council which governed the kingdom during the minority of don Enrique III.
In , he was appointed. Chancellor, an office which he held until his death in During his captivity in Portugal from to , Ayala whiled away his time by writing a poem known as El rimado de palacio. Analysis reveals four parts, of which the first is religious, treating of the doctrine of the Trinity and the essentials of Christianity, together with such medieval themes as the seven deadly sins. The second part, from which the poem takes its name, is political and deals with matters of government and other subjects of interest at court.
Written in a grave and didactic style, it reflects the statesmanship of the author and proves him to have had no little poetic feeling, as the following quotation will show: Todas estas riquesas son niebla c rocio, las onrras e orgullos, c aqueste loco brio, echase ome sano e amanesce frio, ca nuestra vidra corre como agua de rio. Sienpre deue el consegero desir al rey verdat, e sienpre lo inclinar a faser piedat, e todo tienpo lo guarde, non faga crueldat, ca clemencia es en reyes muy loada bondat.
Segunt dise Valerio en el su libro mayor, la virtud que en los reyes es mas noble e mejor, es perdonar al caydo toda culpa e error: Amar a quien te ama, non es de agradescer ; mas sy te algo yerra e te fue fallescer, tu le deues perdonar e a Dios en gracia auer, que te da tienpo e logar, que asy lo puedas fer. The third part consists of a number of lyrics, usually not in cuaderna via.
This part will be treated in the following section. The fourth part is a moral treatise and comprises about half the poem. In it is expressed the wisdom of an intelligent man of the world whose wide experience has placed him in touch with the leaders of society. The Rimado del palacio invites comparison with the Libro de buen amor. Their likenesses are great, as may be gathered from what has already been said. Their differences depend on two fundamental dissimilarities in the authors.
Juan Ruiz was a man of the people, lived among the people, and shared their pleasures, vices, and limited outlook. Ayala, on the other hand, sprang from one of the noblest families of Castile and passed his life in the atmosphere of good breeding and refinement. Secondly, Ayala had no sense of humour. This is shown by the simple way in which he states his desertion of don Pedro and explains it as convenient to his personal interests. The verse used in the poem is no longer the pure cuaderna via, but a variant having in imitation of the popular metre sixteen syllables to the line.
Attacked on the one hand by the popular measures of the joglares and on the other by the courtly lyrical forms of the trobadores, the heavy cuaderna via was destined to pass away as soon as poetic composition became fashionable among the upper classes. But with the end of the 14th century and the approach of the Renaissance, the last traces of the mester de clerccia and its verse forms disappeared for ever.
Thus, there were the canciones de mayo alluded to in the Libro dc Alejandro and other early poems, but of which no specimen remains. The origin of the type is perfectly clear, for its antecedents were watch-songs composed in Vulgar Latin. It has a vigour and swing absent from the conventional Razon de amor, and the triple eya velar which preludes the song reminds one of the glorious triple Alleluias which introduce some of the English hymns in the Ancient and Modern collection.
Velat, aliama dc los judios, ; eya velar 1 Que non vos furten el Fijo de Dios, j eya velaT! Other forms, whose existence is indicated by later songs, are connected with the harvest, Christmas, midsummer, or some other festival. Most important are the various types of love-songs. These fall into two chief classes, the cantigas de ledino and the cantigas de amigo. Both deal as a rule with walks in the country, but in the former a lover reproaches his mistress for her cruelty or infidelity. Similarly, the cantiga de amigo took its name from the recurrence of amigo.
Both classes were dance songs, and they sometimes abandoned the conventional subjects and spoke of the dance itself or even of hunting or the sea. For some unknown reason lyrical poetry developed more freely in Galicia than in Castile, and there is some cause for thinking that the Gallego-Portuguese dialect came at one time to be regarded as the proper vehicle for such poems. As far as can be seen, the Castilian lyrics were not a whit inferior to the Galician, though Menendez Pidal has dis- covered some differences in technique.
The Gallego- Portuguese form was more lyrical and consisted of stanzas more or less parallel in sense and running on into a refrain. The Castilian, on the other hand, was more narrative and began with a thematic short verse whose sense was expanded in the subsequent stanzas.
During the early part of the 13th century, the Gallego-Portuguese poetry came into contact with the more refined literature of Provence and was influenced by it to a very large degree. As early as the 10th century favourable geographical and political circumstances had given rise to a little state in the south of France more or less on the same strip of territory as had been occupied by the ancient Roman province of Gallia Narbonensis.
Here in a quiet back- water of the turbid stream of European politics, the people had preserved a good deal of the old Roman civilisation and, freed from the troublous times around them, had devoted themselves to the cultivation of poetry. It had become the fashion for gentlemen to aim at poetic accom- plishment as well as at distinction in arms, and a knight was expected to be able to compose a ballad in praise of his lady-love as well as to defend her honour with the sword.
A delicate and refined literature of lyrical verse came there- fore into existence. In it both ideas and expression were highly conventional, and the main object of skill was to make good use of the complicated types of metrical forms. Geographical conditions brought Provence into close connexion with Cataluna, and the latter could not but be influenced by its neighbour.
As early as the 12th century we find a no less distinguished person than Alfonso II, who reigned in Aragon from , addressing some cobias, or stanzas, to his lady, and there were, of course, many others besides the royal irobador who imitated Provencal verse. Between and , however, the cultured society of Provence was rudely exterminated as a result of the Albigensian crusade, and the very fountain head of its literature was thus cut off. Numbers of poets fled for refuge to the courts of Pedro II and Jaime el Batallador , and there continued to practise the art of Gay Saber, as they called their system of lyrical composition.
So readily had the exotic system been absorbed indeed, that in Ramon Vidal de Besalu, a Catalan gentleman, won the first prize at the poetic contest held that year in Toulouse. Poetic contests, known as floral games, were held annually at Barcelona and afterwards at Tortosa, and the number of Catalan poets of the Provencal type grew very large. A cancionero, or anthology, collected about includes works by the most considerable authors, of whom Jaime March c. Just too late for inclusion in the cancionero was Jaime Roig, who died in The school continued for some time after this, but it gradually disappeared before the advance of Castilian and by it was practically gone.
Generally speaking, the modifications involved were the introduction of poetry as a fashionable art among the upper classes ; the use of a more impersonal tone, of vaguer and more abstract ideas, and of a vast number of poetic commonplaces ; and the establishment of new poetic forms. Two forms especially seem to have become popular, viz. The former related an encounter between a traveller, usually the poet himself, and a country maiden pasturing cows in the high valleys of the sierras. In Gallego-Portuguese it came to be known as a villanesca or villana.
The serventesio dealt with political or moral subjects and was almost always satirical. In Gallego- Portuguese it assumed several forms, each having a different name, and some of them being a comic or burlesque treatment of the subject. The Gallego-Portuguese poems are notably more vulgar in conception, cruder in treatment, and rougher in composition than their Provencal originals. The influence of Provence seems at first to have reached Castilian poetry through the medium of Gallego-Portuguese. A series of Cantigas a la Virgen have been preserved, in which that influence first appears in the works of a Casti- lian writer.
The dialect used, however, is not Castilian, but Galician. The Cantigas have until recently been universally attributed to Alfonso el Sabio, who is supposed to have intended them to be sung perpetually in the church of Santa Maria de Murcia, where he wished to be buried. Assuming that he did write the poems, the fact that a Castilian king, who wrote other works in his own tongue, should have composed lyrics in another dialect and intend them to be sung in the district of yet a third speech is certainly a literary anomaly and somewhat of a puzzle.
Yet Alfonso is by no means the only Castilian poet who used the Gallego-Portuguese dialect, and one may suppose that his reasons for using it were its position as the usual vehicle for lyric poetry and the greater facility it gave for the imitation of Gallego-Portu- guese forms. The Cantigas are in a variety of metres and treat their subject in divers ways. Many of the ideas are taken from the Speculum historiale, a vast collection of semi-religious tales compiled by Vincent de Beauvais.
The poems undoubtedly belong to the Gallego-Portuguese school, yet there are traces of other influence in them. At the same time, Julian Ribera, who sees an Arabic origin for everything in early Spanish literature, claims that most of the poems are written in imitation of Andalucian forms. But, while it is possible that Arabic influence may have been at work, this claim seems extravagant. Alfonso also composed in Castilian a few lyrics like Senora, por amor de Dios, and he is therefore next in suc- cession to Berceo in the list of known poets who developed the lighter forms of verse.
His immediate successor was the Archpriest of Hita. As was said above, El libro de buen amor is interspersed with lyrics of various form and subject. The fol- lowing is a good example: En ty es mi speranga, Virgen Santa Maria ; en sefior de tal valia es rason de aver fianga. Ventura astrosa, cruel enojosa, captiva, mesquina, porque eres sanosa, contra mi tan dapnosa e falsa vesina?
Non se escrevir, nin puedo desir la coyta estrana que me fases sofrir, con deseo bevir en tormenta tamana. The thematic short stanza at the beginning is charac- teristic of the Castilian lyric and is in a different metre from the rest of the poem. It is octosyllabic and rimes a, b, b, a. The stanzas in the body of the poem are usually arranged in six lines of six syllables each, riming a, a, b, a, a, b, but to save space they have been rearranged as above. Encima del puerto coyd6 ser muerto de nieve e de frio e dese rosio e de grand elada.
A la decida di una corrida falle una serrana fermosa, lozana, e bien colorada. Dixe yo a ella: It has four mono- rimed lines, while the stanzas that follow have five lines each, riming a, a, b, b, a. The conventionality of the subject will be seen by comparing this poem with the narrative passage quoted on page Ruiz calls the poem a troba cazurra and in it he gives a thematic couplet and ends every stanza with a short line. Some of the pieces are in cuaderna via, even some of the cantigas ; though as a variant one or two have a short thematic stanza and an extra half-line riming with the thematic stanza at the end of each verse.
They are essays in verse and deal with the subject in a light and humorous vein. At a later period the name dictado or decir was given to such compositions. Finally, there are two short lyrics coupled together under the title of Como los scolares demandan par Dios. The second, as being the shorter, may be quoted: Senores, vos dat a nos escolares pobres dos. El Senor de parayso, Christos, tanto que nos quiso que por nos muerte priso, mataron lo judios. Murio nuestro Senor por ser nuestro saluador. Dadnos por el su amor, si el salue a todos nos.
Acordat vos de su estoria: Sy el vos de la su gloria: Agora en quanto byuierdes, por su amor sienpre dedes e con esto escaparedes del infierno e de su tos. Here again is seen the thematic half-stanza with which the last line of each succeeding verse rimes. This form has been compared by Julidn Ribera with certain Arabic poems in the Andalucian cancionero of Abencuzman and has been seen to be similar in form to the type of lyric known as the zejel. Hence Ribera concludes that Ruiz was influenced by the Moorish poems, not directly, but through Gallego-Portuguese originals.
Although comparatively few poems have survived from this period, it must not be thought that only a few were composed. The influence of Provence had brought the arte de trobar into fashion among the upper classes in Spain, and, encouraged by Alfonso el Sabio and Jaime el Batal- lador, it had indeed taken possession of the nobility.
The very nature of the poems, slight in themselves and often written for an occasion, prevented the majority from surviving, and no doubt we owe the preservation of the Cantigas and the lyrics of Ruiz to the fact that they belong to ambitious works which were thought worthy of being written down and kept. The first stanza of this poem is worth quoting, since it exemplifies a poetic form not yet illustrated: The subject is a reproach addressed by the poet to his lady for her coldness. There is no thematic stanza, but an estribillo, or refrain, recurs after each strophe in the Gallego- Portuguese as distinct from the Castilian manner.
The lines are octosyllabic and the rime-scheme is complicated. The failure of three of the lines to join in the rime gives us the first trace of blank verse in Spanish. The next great lyric poet after Ruiz was Pedro L6pez de Ayala. In subject these are not unlike those of Ruiz. In place of the cantigas de serrana of the earlier poet, there are cantares on more serious themes ; the Loores, Gozos, and Duelos are replaced by Cantares a la Virgen ; while the contemplative lyrics like Las propiedad que el dinero ha are represented by dictados.
In treatment there is much difference. Ruiz is full of coarse wit and humour expressed with the vigour of the lower classes, while Ayala is more refined, more prosaic perhaps, but loftier in sentiment, and he obviously writes for an audience of the upper classes. In the cantares the com- monest form is one in which a half-stanza begins the poem and is repeated after each strophe as a refrain, thus showing a fusion of the Castilian and the Gallego-Portuguese systems.
Sennora, estrella lusiente, que a todo el mundo guia, guia a este tu siruiente que su alma en ti fia. A canela bien oliente eres sennora conparada, de la tierra del oriente es olor muy apregiada. A ti fas clamor la gente en sus cuytas todavia, quien por pecador se siente clamando Santa Maria. Two more stanzas complete the poem. The lines are octosyllabic in this poem, but in others the number of syllables varies.
Sometimes the refrain contains fewer syllables than the stanzas themselves. The metre of the dictados is as a rule a development of the cuaderna via. One such poem, called Una oracion, is preluded with a thematic couplet. The most important development, however, is seen in the Deytado sobre el cisma de Occidente, where the line of twelve syl- lables replaces that of fourteen, the number of lines is increased to eight, and the simple rime-scheme of the cuaderna via abandoned for a more complicated system.
The following stanza is a sample: Oy sont veynte e ginco annos conplidos que, mal pecado, comengo la gisma, e non veo los pringipes por ende sentidos, asi como deuen maguer que bautisma resgiben ende ; nin vale la gisma, nin otros bienes que avemos avidos: A knowledge of the foregoing old Castilian verse-forms is necessary to the proper understanding of the develop- ments which took place in the subsequent period, and accordingly the various types have been described at length.
The section may be fitly concluded with a table showing the different forces which acted on the Spanish lyric up to the end of the 15th century. Cantares de vela Cantigas de amigo, I etc. Roman tradition was quite definitely the source. Among the independent Spaniards after the Moorish conquest monkish houses here and there kept national diaries very like our own Old English Chronicle in their bald entries. For centuries they were written in Latin, but in the 12th century some, like the Andies toledanos, began to be composed in Romance.
Meanwhile, mozarabic scholars had preserved in the south a large measure of Roman literary tradition, and their learning was fostered by the Cordovan caliphate. Writers like Lucas dc Tiiy d. Both works bear obvious marks of Moorish influence, while two others, Bocados de oro and Poridad de poridades, are direct imita- tions, and El libro de los buenos proverbios is a translation from the Arabic. These are all crude first attempts, but they prepare the way and indicated the three lines, the chronicle, the collection of Moorish tales, and the moral treatise, along which Castilian prose was to develop for two centuries.
In the middle of the 18th century the influence of that great nurse, if not father, of Spanish literature, Alfonso el Sabio, began to work. While his predecessor was yet alive, Alfonso set himself to codify the laws of Castile. The resulting document is known as the Fuero Juzgo. Its clauses were enacted in , but the version due to Alfonso is slightly later. The prince next tried to reduce the chaos of local customs to some semblance of order and general plan. Three rough sketches, El septenario, El espejo, and El fuero real , seem to have been made in the order given, and between and Alfonso at length drew up the famous code of Las siete partidas.
The importance of this work can hardly be overestimated, forming as it does the basis of the legal system not only in Spain, but also throughout Spanish- America and in parts of the United States. The actual authorship is doubtful, though in all probability a com- mittee of authors were responsible. The ordinances included are not a bare statement of law: Moreover, the extent of treatment goes beyond what is usual in a legal code, for morals are dealt with and even such questions as the education of princesses are touched upon.
Meaning of "tacaño" in the Spanish dictionary
No less important is this learned king as a patron and practitioner of science. At his court he assembled a body of men deep in the scientific lore of the time. Most of these were of Eastern origin or training, and through them Alfonso introduced into Europe the Science of the East, which at that time was far in advance of that of the West. This Eastern learning was given to the world in Los libros de astronomia, a work consisting of three parts: That much of the work has not yet been superseded indicates its real value.
His nephew, don Juan Manuel, states in his Libro de la caza that Alfonso caused translations to be made of the Koran, the Mishna, the Talmud, and the Cabala, and it is generally believed that a version of the Bible was also made. These works are all lost, but two others remain: The former, translated from the Arabic in , is of slight importance ; but the latter had far-reaching effects.
Originally a collection of Indian tales brought together about a. Its Castilian title is really that of the first tale, which is also the longest and most interesting. Its importance lies in its introduction into Spain, and thus indirectly into Europe generally, of the Eastern device of presenting a collection of tales held together by the light framework of a main theme. We have already noticed its adoption in El libro de buen amor, and we shall see its popularity extended by don Juan Manuel. A somewhat similar work, El caballero Cifar, by an anonymous author was another forerunner of the chivalresque novel.
Early in his reign he conceived the idea of a history of Spain and setting his scholars to work he produced the Grande e general esioria de Espaiia, known, shortly as the Crdnica general. This chronicle consists of four parts, the first two of which deal with the history of the ancient world and were probably compiled by the committee of scholars. The third part describes the Moorish invasion and the Reconquest and is largely composed of matter drawn from the old epics.
The Grande e general esioria set a fashion of chronicle writing. Alfonso XI, who in more ways than one carried on the work of his grandfather, had the Estoria continued up to the beginning of his own reign in From his time onwards it became the custom to appoint official chroniclers to write up the events of the previous reign, and the practice lasted till the 16th century.
A notable composition of the present period was that of Pedro Lopez de Ayala, who has already been mentioned as the author of El rimado de palacio. The first disciple of Alfonso X in prose literature was don Juan Manuel, son of the infante don Pedro Manuel and consequently a nephew of the wise king himself. Unlike his uncle, however, he was a man of action. At the age of twelve he became a soldier and campaigned against the Moors. High posts fell to him in quick succession, until in he became regent for the minor Alfonso XI.
In the end, don Juan was defeated, but was after- wards reconciled with the king and made commander-in- chief of the army operating against the Moors, a post which he held up to his death in During this active life it is a wonder that don Juan found time for literary composition, yet he was the author of no fewer than fourteen works, some of which are of considerable length. Towards the end of his life he had them all transcribed on to a single MS.
Yet, in spite of his precautions, five of his compositions have been lost. The most important of the survivors is El conde Lucanor, a collection of tales strung like beads on to supposed conversations of Count Lucanor and his hench- man Patronio. The book comprises fifty ensiemplos, or illustrative tales, of which the following typical specimen will give a better idea than any amount of description. Et aqucl su amigo le dixo que dc todos non le podia desenbargar, mas quc el sabia un escanto con que lo descnbargaria del uno dellos: Et porque don Johan se pago deste enxiemplo, fixolo poncr cn este libro et fizo estos viesos que dizen asi: El conde Lucanor is of the utmost importance.
It became widely known in Europe and was responsible for the spread of the device of threading tales together on a main theme. Moreover, it gave to Europe many of the tales, among them the story which Shakspere afterwards used in the Taming of the Shrew. But above all, it is impor- tant as the direct ancestor of that typically Spanish inven- tion, the rogue story. But he also set the fashion of writing technical books on sport, producing in the Libro de la caza and the Libro de armas the forerunners of the modern English Badminton series.
The fashion was continued by don Alfonso XI in his Libro de montena, a treatise on hunting, and by Ayala in his Libro de caza. The prose work of the period closes with Ayala. In his choice of texts his interests are clearly visible. Gregory, the de Summo Bono of Isidorus, and the Consola- tion of Boethius no less indicate the philosopher. His versions show the freedom permitted by the Middle Ages and are adorned by his own lofty style which discloses Spanish prose in a stage of adolescence at a time when that of England and France was in its infancy.
The works of Juan Manuel will be found in vol. At its opening, prose and poetry followed narrow lines whether in the popular heroic compositions and folksongs or in the educated verse of the mester de clerecia or in the manageable, if clumsy, style of chronicle and hunting manual. During its course, experi- ment after experiment was made, and invention followed invention. When native sources failed, other literatures, both Classical and new, were tapped.
Poetry modified the old forms and tried a host of new ones, rejecting and adapting until the poet had at his command a useful variety of metres. Prose at the same time made itself more supple by exercise. Consequently, by , if little first-class work had been produced, at least the instrument of style had been prepared, and new paths laid out in both poetry and prose.
Although Spanish literature had never been on the whole spontaneous, yet up to the beginning of the 15th century there had always been a great body of popular poetry to offset the mass of learned writings. Now, however, the songs of the joglares completely died out, and authors became highly conscious of their art.
Full text of "History Of Spanish Literatur E"
Patrons of literature, like Juan II of Castile and Enrique de Villena, established circles in which ideas were exchanged, sifted, and tried. Literary criticism made its appearance for the first time. Various forces were at work to make this an age of great development. The introduction into Spain of the art of printing was not the least of these.
By facilitating the cir- culation and preservation of literature, it led to the sifting out of the good from the bad and to the provision of models for would-be authors. Furthermore, a concentration of literary effort was achieved by the recognition of the supremacy of the Castilian dialect over the Galician and Catalan, which passed gently out of existence as literary media. Ever-increasing intercourse with Italy brought in a new influence at a time when that country was in the first vigour of the Renaissance. Bringing with it the vogue of old Classical models and of the schools of Dante and Boccaccio, Italian influence provided both the training necessary to improve the technique of Spanish poetry and the inspiration needed to rouse the trobador school from its torpor of conven- tion.
Finally, the energy of the nation, which had formerly been more or less absorbed by the wars of the Reconquest, was now free to expend a part of itself on literature. Narrative in part, and in part lyrical, they consist of a varying number of lines of sixteen syllables joined by the same assonance throughout and having a strong medial caesura.
In many ways they resemble the popular English ballads on Robin Hood or the Border forays, though some of them show a superior art and refinement. The early epics were divided into metrical sections, each of which had a single assonance. Quite naturally there was a tendency for breaks in the narrative to coincide with these metrical changes of gear, and the uniformly assonanced parts became para- graphs.
This stage had been reached when the Poema de mio Cid was composed. It was but a step from this for the metrical divisions to become self-sufficient accounts of single incidents. Finally, since the complete story was known to all, the joglar confined himself to the most interesting parts, and the epic became a mere collection of poems on the more striking episodes of the legend. This stage is exemplified in the series of romances on the Cid, Fernan Gonzalez, the Infantes de Lara, and don Rodrigo. Once the self-contained nature of these epic fragments had been established, the joglar found no difficulty in extending his range of subject.
The spurious hero Bernardo del Carpio was invented as an offset to the French Roland, and various historical incidents, especially the events of the reign of Pedro el Cruel and of the closing scenes of the Reconquest, were naturally adopted for treatment. The romances fronterizos — on the last theme — are among the best of the kind, the most famous being those beginning De Antequera pariio el moro, and Pasedbase el rcy moro.
As the century wore on, the romances became fashionable among the upper classes, and courtly poets began to write them. These later characteristics are par- ticularly evident in romances like Fonte frida and its com- panion Rosafresca. As the romances were not written down at first and have survived in late cancioneros, they are in almost every case anonymous and their exact date of composition cannot be determined. Internal evidence, which is chiefly of a linguistic nature, justifies the conclusion that none of the existing poems were composed before Among the poems themselves, some are clearly earlier than others in subject and workmanship, but this does not always mean that the romance of ruder construction was necessarily written before others of more artistic character.
While the joglar continued for some time to compose his rough pieces, more refined poems were being written by poets of the trobador school. A few appear in the Cancionero de Stufiiga under the name of Carvajal or Carvajales. In the hands of these courtly poets, the romance in time became changed out of recognition, and the so-called romances of Gongora do not belong to the old popular form at all.
From their nature the romances are extremely varied in quality, but the best of them deserve inclusion in any anthology, however select, of Spanish poetry. They are peculiarly national and reflect accurately and in a pleasing manner the society of their age. The earliest of them are fresh, vigorous, and sincere, while even the later ones preserve an interest that is often lacking in the more con- ventional work of the trobador school.
After the clever verses of the courtly poets one turns to them with the feeling of relief experienced on exchanging a work on logic or economics for a good novel. So important are these poems that one or two typical specimens will now be analysed, one of the series on the Infantes de Lara being chosen to represent the earlier type. According to the legend, Rodrigo de Lara married in a certain dona Lambra. Bringing about the imprisonment of Gustos by Almanzor, the great Chamber- lain of Hixem II, she persuaded the Infantes to attempt a rescue. Through the treacherous guidance of her husband, the young men fell into the trap set for them by the Moors at her instigation and they were all killed together with their ayo, Nuno Salido.
Their heads were then taken to Almanzor. Here our romance takes up the story. Almanzor summons Gustos into his presence and asks him to recog- nise the heads. A painful scene follows in which the father apostrophises the lifeless faces of the ayo and his sons. Pdrtese el moro Alicante vispera de Sant Ccbrian ; ocho cabezas llevaba, todas de hombres de alta sangre. Sabelo el rey Almanzor, a recebirselo sale ; aunque perdid muchos moros, piensa en esto bicn ganar.
Manda hacer un tablado para mejor las mirar, mandd traer un cristiano que estaba en captivklad. Como ante si lo trujeron empezole de hablar, dijole: Y limpidndoles la sangre, asaz se fuera a turbar ; dijo llorando agramente: Asi razona con ellos, como si vivos hablasen: The abrupt, arresting beginning is characteristic of the romances, especially the earlier ones like Helo, helo por do viene el infante vengador and Arriba, canes, arriba.
The first lines are often superior to the rest of the poems and, moreover, are generally used as titles of the pieces. The verse will be seen to be rough: Besides, the assonance in a is broken in two places, while in line 15 the sense is run over the metrical caesura. The narrative, however, is well con- structed, though it is obviously meant for an audience acquainted with the subject. This is clearly shown by the allusive reference to Almanzor and by the omission to explain who is meant by el mi compadre.
Almanzor' s reception of the heads is plainly related, but the introduc- tion of Gustos merely as un cristiano is weak. It is interest- ing to us, however, as showing that in the contemporary Spanish mind the division of peoples was based not on nationality, but on religion ; that the antithesis of Moor was not Castilian or Spaniard, but Christian. The words of Almanzor are the rough, heroic expression that dis- tinguishes the earlier romances and contain a horrid, cruel cynicism.
The reply of Gustos is disappointing. One would expect a sublime retort or the utter silence of grief. The subsequent apostrophe is better and expresses in a poetic manner the relation between Nuno and his lord. In the rest of the poem, which has been omitted and which contains similar addresses to the Infantes, much skill is shown in the avoidance of repetition. In the end Almanzor is moved to pity for his captive and softens his treatment.
The later development of the romance is illustrated in Fonte frida. Fonte frida, fonte frida, fonte frida y con amor, do todas las avezicas van tomar consolaeion, sino es la tortolica que esta biuda y con dolor. Por alii fuera a passar el traydor de ruisenor: Dexame, triste enemigo, malo, falso, mal traydor, que no quiero ser tu amiga ni casar contigo, no! It must be understood that this poem is not necessarily later in date of composition than that on the Infantes de Lara. It merely represents a later development in spirit and technique on the earlier poems of which the Infantes de Lara is the representative.
Here there are no rough encounters of heroic personages, no deeds of violence, expressed in the plain, sincere language of the earlier type. Instead, we notice a refined spirit, a narrative of a society in which intrigues of love are a main interest. The ideas are more sophisticated, the expression figurative. Si el agua hallo clara, turbia la bebia yo, says the injured lady, if the stream of love seems clear and smooth, I find it dark and rough.
That is a thought which could not be found in the earlier romances. Nor could the rather frigid conceit of the birds resorting to the fountain for consolation. The whole produces the impression of a delicate and pretty piece of art. As regards technique, the poem is nearly perfect.
Its assonance is faultless, while the verses with the exception of the last, which is short have their quota of sixteen syl- lables and two stresses in each half-line. It may thus be taken as typical of the versification peculiar to the romance.