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The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age Assaf Yasur-Landau examines the early history of the biblical Philistines who were.
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Finally, the chapter presented a review of factors that affect the causality of migration, as a prelude to the discussion of causality in Chapters 3 and 4. With these methodological tools at hand, it is now possible to set the scene for the focus of the work, and to review the social and political conditions in the thirteenth century and their effect on interregional interactions in the last phase of the Aegean palatial period.

The Mycenaean palaces, each ruled by a powerful wanax that was supported by a literate administration and a circle of cultured elite, were a far cry from the postliterate, rough reality of the twelfth century, with its crude art and scarcity of raw material and resources. Still, the LHIIIB Mycenaean interaction could have left a legacy of knowledge that would be highly advantageous to the Aegeans taking part in twelfthcentury interactions. Knowledge about the organization of maritime expeditions for war and trade in the final palatial era could have been used to organize pirate raids and colonization parties during the postpalatial era.

The Linear B sources that deal with political structure and maritime activity in the thirteenth century bce, many of which date to its very end, offer a unique and illuminating way to evaluate the scope of the palatial Mycenaean legacy compared to later interregional interaction during the twelfth century. These documents, as well as complementary archaeological evidence that has been interpreted as indicating thirteenth-century-bce Aegean migration, allow for the reconstruction of the relationships among the Aegean social and 1 34 The relative chronological scheme presented here follows that of Warren and Hankey and Mountjoy a.

The physical remains of these palaces in sites, such as Mycenae, Pylos, Tiryns, and Thebes, and of archives of Linear B found within them allow for the reconstruction of a rich picture of the political system during the final part of the Late Bronze Age. To this study of migration and interaction, the Mycenaean data are of immeasurable value. A comparison between the power structure of the Mycenaean palatial society and the interregional interactions in which it was involved is an excellent opportunity to examine our hypothesis of the correlation between the level of social complexity and the ability to conduct different ranges of interregional interaction Chapter 1.

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If this correlation indeed exists, we can expect to find variation in the more complex society of the thirteenth century than in the simpler postpalatial society. Following Clark and Parry According to the tablets, this individual seems to have had both secular powers and a major role in religious activities e.

Some of the workforce of the palace was under his direct command. There is no clear evidence of his military, judicial, or interstate role. It is likely that there was only one wanax per state Shelmerdine In this collective rulership, a small group of interconnected people, perhaps a family, holds positions of authority. Women who forged group unity played an important role in Mycenaean rulership. The iconography suggests that these women presided from their thrones over symposia held in the great hall of the Mycenaean palaces.

As in the case of the wanax, there was only one lawagetas in each polity e. They may have constituted a chariotborne military aristocracy or another elite group, perhaps with military as well as religious roles Deger-Jalkotzy ; Aura-Jorro The view of the palatial system as a centralist monarchy was challenged in the late s Thomas The palace indeed had control over large estates and was involved in the allocation of land. Furthermore, it could impose obligations on individuals in the form of military or other services; however, its involvement in the economy was not absolute.

It did not monopolize crafts or industries such as metallurgy. The palaces exercised direct supervision over only the most important industries that provided goods for trade Shelmerdine , and they had symbiotic relationships with a large private sector that practiced much of 2 Because social complexity features both vertical e. There is also a growing conviction, based on more recent reconstructions of the formation of the Mycenaean polity Bennet ; Voutsaki , that local leaders, though associated with the polity headed by the wanax, continued to maintain considerable power within their regions Thomas These local leaders may have appeared in the Pylos tablets under the title of basileus qa-si-re-u, pl.

Some have suggested that this title refers to local leaders of secondary importance, vassals to the wanax, their territories reflecting the former polities that were incorporated into the Mycenaean state under the wanax Shelmerdine In their role as regional chieftains, they may have interacted with the palace in economic matters, such as supervising groups of bronze workers.

Other functionaries were probably also connected to the local leadership as well as to the palatial administration. The koreter ko-re-te and prokoreter po-ro-ko-re-te were mayors and vice mayors of the sixteen major economic districts of Pylos PY Jn ; Palaima b: The telestai te-re-ta were a group of officials, possibly with religious duties, or fief holders Aura-Jorro The geronsia ke-ro-si-ja may have been a council of elders, perhaps connected to the basileus, or alternatively a collective of some kind, linked with plots of land and bronze working Carlier The basileia qa-si-re-wi-ja may have functioned in a similar role, connected with the basileus Lenz References are also made to less powerful groups.

The damos da-mo seems to be a lower echelon of people that held and administrated land in addition to producing food.

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Alternatively, it may have been a council in charge of local decision making. A possibly parallel group is the worgioneion, perhaps a class of outsiders Lenz As for settlement hierarchy — another component of social complexity — the evidence from the tablets implies three or four administrative levels above that of a local community: Another source of information that contributes to the investigation of political integration is analyses of site distribution and size.

These studies result in the establishment of possible boundaries for polities and internal organization, and they provide clues to the hierarchies within the polities. The survey of the Pylos region again reflects a picture of a three-tier Davis et al. The settlement hierarchy for the Argolid suggested by Kilian a: Mycenae and Tiryns present a settlement hierarchy of at least three tiers with a major center, subcenters some fortified , villages, hamlets, and a sanctuary site. Other centers, such as Nauplion, Midea, Argos, or Asine, may have been dominated by Mycenae and Tiryns or have had only a two- to three-tiered settlement hierarchy.

The high level of social complexity and political integration seen in the intricate hierarchy of the Aegean polities of the thirteenth century bce must have had a direct effect on the maritime capabilities of the polities, because, as will be argued herein, this high level of social complexity enabled, at least potentially, the launching of sophisticated and varied forms of maritime interaction, which were impossible in a less complex system e.

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The answer to these questions may provide us with one of the most important insights needed to determine the nature of twelfth-century migrations: In this section, references to foreigners and foreign names in the Linear B tablets and evidence from Late Bronze Age maritime trade will be compared to assess the amount of relevant information available to people in the Aegean during the thirteenth century.

No evidence has been found of diplomatic relations with Nineteenth Dynasty Egypt following the peak in the days of the Eighteenth Dynasty e. The only Aegeans depicted and mentioned in the thirteenth century bce are not 5 Other potentially valuable sources of information about interconnections, such as provenance studies of pottery and other artifacts are not discussed here because of the need to assess and interpret trade patterns e.

The knowledge of foreign lands available to the palatial elite and its bureaucracy is best reflected in the personal and ethnic names of foreigners, as well as in Semitic and Hittite loanwords for commodities Shelmerdine A rather maximalist list of Linear B place-names outside the Mycenaean mainland and Crete includes references to people and commodities originating from western Anatolia, Egypt, and Cyprus, and possibly from Phoenicia and the Ionian Islands Fig.

Accordingly, it is possible to cautiously draw at least a rough picture of the mainland i. These included men and women; some appear as individuals, and others — mostly women — were employed as groups in the Pylian textile industry Chadwick ; Nosch The foreigners represent a plethora of status groups, from female servants and bath attendants in the Pylian palace to a Milesian man participating in a cultic event in Thebes.

Foreigners in the Linear B record Egypt mi-sa-ra-jo: Egyptian man Knossos a3 -ku-pi-ti-jo: Memphite man Knossos Cyprus ku-pi-ri-jo: Cypriot man and Cypriot commodity Pylos and Knossos ; another option: Alashiyan man Knossos Phoenicia Anatolia pe-ri-ta: Knossos and Pylos po-ni-ki-jo: Zakynthian men and type of chariot wheels Pylos ;c personal name Mycenae ko-ro-ku-ra-i-jo: Pylos KN F B, Fh , X ; Aura-Jorro B, Ad , ; Palaima B, Ad ; Aura-Jorro B, Ad , ; Aura-Jorro B; PY Cn However, the location of Ionia or the Ionian tribe in the Late Bronze Age is not certain, and it is assigned here to Anatolia only because of later references.

See the text of this chapter on Zakynthian men in the Rower Tablets. Foreign names in Linear B drawn by A. As these foreigners were apparently residing within the Aegean area for extended periods of time, they provided a source of information, accessible, perhaps, to almost all in the palatial circles. It can be tentatively suggested that such knowledge could be obtained only regarding the area between the Ionian Islands and Phoenicia. The Knossian sphere of interaction, probably reflecting a reality of up to a century earlier than the Pylos tablets Shelmerdine The frequent mention of commodities called Alashiyan and Phoenician is of importance in understanding the items traded with these regions and their significance to the Mycenaean economy, yet it is possible that they were named so because they were brought by Syrian or Cypriot merchants.

The conspicuous absence of people from sites located on the coast of Palestine, and only very doubtful occurrences of sites along the Phoenician coast, may, however, be more easily explained than the omission of Ugarit, the most important gateway to Mycenaean pottery in the Levant. This may be another indication that trade was carried out not by Mycenaeans but by Cypriots or other intermediaries.

Such a notion is also supported by the fact that while Alashiyans are frequently mentioned in the Ugarit texts e. Furthermore, when men of Ah hiyawa are mentioned in two letters from Ugarit, they are Aegean mercenaries or traders located not in Ugarit but in the land of Lukka, in southwestern Anatolia RS Archaeological evidence for this role in the Levantine coast is discussed in Chapter 6. The lack of any reference to the Hittites in the Linear B record is a constant source of frustration, as Ahhiyawa, mentioned several times in Hittite texts, is commonly thought to be located in the Mycenaean mainland its center in Thebes or Mycenae with an Anatolian bridgehead between Miletus and Bodrum Niemeier ; It is apparent that many of these connections had a diplomatic nature, as Ahhiyawa was extremely active politically in western Anatolia, usually acting against the Hittite interests in the region.

Some of these references are concerned with maritime activities but never with trade. Raids on Cyprus from the Anatolian coast continued later, with the Lukka as the named culprits for attacks on Cyprus during the Amarna period EA M Further proof that the Ahhiyawan-Hittite relations were by no means commercial ones comes from the almost complete absence of Mycenaean finds in Hattusa, the capital of the Hittites.

It is ironic that Hatti, the only polity that we know to have had direct diplomatic contact with Mycenaeans, is the only polity in the eastern Mediterranean that did not import massive amounts of Mycenaean pottery. With no Hittites in the Linear B archives and no Mycenaean pottery in Hattusa, the involvement of the kingdom of Ahhiyawa in trade interactions with Anatolia seems to be marginal at best, particularly when compared to its role in raids, political stirring, and active participation in the power struggle in western Anatolia. Assessing the extent and depth of knowledge of foreign lands on the part of people in the Aegean is, to a large measure, dependent on identifying the people who practiced maritime trade in the Late Bronze Age and even on estimating the volume of trade.

There are only three or four extant shipwrecks dated between the end of the fourteenth and the end of the thirteenth centuries bce; these being from Uluburun, Cape Gelidonya, and Point Iria, and perhaps another at Kibbutz Hahotrim Bass a: The archaeological identification of the nationality of a ship may be an impossible mission, and probably also meaningless. A ship may be built in one place and used in the service of a shipowner from another port; it may carry sailors of various origins. In addition, the origins of the cargo are not necessarily related to the origins of crew members or of the ship itself Bass Recently, Pulak interpreted the four sets of weights in the Syro-Palestinian standard as evidence for the presence of four Canaanite or Cypriot merchants aboard the ship.

Further evidence for their presence is given by cylinder seals and Syrian weapons. A Mycenaean drinking set, including a beaked jug, a narrow-necked jug, a cup, a dipper, and a kylix, may have been used by them.

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Mycenaean-style knives and razors can also be attributed to the same high-ranking individuals. A Thapsos-type sword and a stone scepter or mace, both of Balkan origin, indicated to Pulak the presence of a third foreigner on board, perhaps a Balkan mercenary in the service of the Mycenaeans. Merchants of non-Aegean origin may also have been an important source of firsthand information, available to both local merchants and ruling elite. There was also maritime trade in more mundane objects, as demonstrated in the cargoes from Cape Gelidonya Bass ; Whether as a royal or a private venture, trade can be assumed to have been conducted by both Mycenaeans and people from the eastern Mediterranean alike, perhaps working in business partnerships, sharing knowledge and profit.

Trade could well have been conducted alongside other interactions, which would blur the material culture evidence. The Rower Tablets from Pylos, as well as a handful of other texts and iconographic representations, bear witness to the abilities of the LHIIIC palatial system to muster ships and crew. Three texts from Pylos, belonging to the PY An series and mentioning e-re-ta rowers , thus, coming to be known as the Rower Tablets, provide tantalizing evidence for the naval organizational capabilities of Pylos, as well Setting the Scene: The Mycenaean Palatial Culture and the Outside World as for a possible connection between settlement and land ownership and maritime activities.

The first, PY An , is a large tablet; its title line 1 was damaged, but the term e-ra-ta indicates that it presents a list of rowers. Lines 2—15 list groups of men — two groups to a line Ventris and Chadwick The groups are defined according to the following criteria: While there is no agreement on the meaning of this term, Ruijgh suggests that these were individuals associated with or in charge of small animals e.

The second tablet, PY An , refers to missing or exempted rowers, possibly connected to the same event as PY An It is divided into paragraphs according to place-names Ventris and Chadwick The numbers of people in each entry in this tablet are much smaller than in PY An ; the largest group lists only ten men. Line 1, the title, relates to the place-name ro-o-wa and to the fact that this is a list of missing rowers.

Lines 3—4 present the information that one of the men is a ki-ti-ta and is therefore obliged to row. Five other people who are also obliged to row appear in lines 5—6. The shortest of the texts, PY An 1, is a list of thirty rowers called to crew a ship connected with Pleuron line 1.

These men come from five settlements, with a formula structure similar to that of PY An lines 2—6 Ventris and Chadwick Judging from the Rower Tablets, it seems that the Pylos administration was able to recruit rowers according to its needs. The rowers were recruited from or assembled in a number of coastal settlements.

Recruitment was carried out according to palace needs and the relative capacity of every settlement Wachsmann The title e-re-e-u official in charge of rowers that appears at Pylos and at Knossos Palaima Mycenaean interest in monitoring at least some of the ships and their registration according to their place of origin and the men in charge of them is also suggested Palaima The terms used in the Pylos tablets to describe recruits may offer important information not only on the administrative aspects of the recruitment procedure and the status differentiation among the recruits but also on the reason the rowers were recruited.

The interpretation of these terms is, however, hampered by a lack of parallels for the texts and by their laconic, administrative nature. They refer to settlers or future settlers in places within the mainland realm of the Pylos kingdom. Such people were obliged to serve as rowers in return for their plots. However, this interpretation does not explain why these three terms do not appear in any context outside PY An and Moreover, had these people been allotted plots within the kingdom, one would expect the terms to appear in tablets discussing land ownership and use, such as the varied E series Ventris and Chadwick If indeed the semantic meaning of ki-ti-ta was a person who holds ktimena-type land i.

A variation on this interpretation is the proposal that both the ki-ti-ta and the 6 The term o-pe-ro- was also used in the Pylian administration to describe other obligations to the palace. The Mycenaean Palatial Culture and the Outside World me-ta-ki-ti-ta had already settled in the colony, and the po-si-ke-te-re were new settlers. The fact that the terms ki-ti-ta and me-ta-ki-ti-ta appear only in a maritime context supports the identification of the recruits as a maritime colonization party.

Further support is found in the presence of Zakynthian men among the rowers, perhaps indicating the direction of the fleet. There are three possible interpretations of this differentiation according to status. The ki-ti-ta were still connected to the Pylos administration system, while the other groups taking part in the expedition were not obliged to row after settling, perhaps because they were not connected to the administrative system of taxation in the first place. A second possibility is that the ki-ti-ta were veteran settlers and that only persons of that category were obliged to row, while the me-ta-ki-ti-ta rowed only on their way to the destination.

The third possible interpretation is the simplest and perhaps the most plausible: There is little evidence for interconnections between the Pylian polity and the island of Zakynthos, yet seven or eight Zakynthian men are listed in PY An Wachsmann Other references to Zakynthos are found in the Pylos tablets that discuss chariot wheels Palaima The presence of Zakynthians may indicate a general direction for the fleet, as this is the only group outside mainland Greece mentioned in the Rower Tablets.

It is unlikely that men were brought from Zakynthos to Pylos for the sole purpose of rowing to other destinations. Their small number may indicate a specialized role within the colonization party — perhaps as pilots or informants leading the expedition to Zakynthos or beyond.

The large number of people involved implies that it was a substantial, agriculturally based colony rather than a small emporion or trading post. The overall lack of references to trade and traders in the Linear B tablets may further strengthen the notion of the noncommercial nature of the expedition. The Rower Tablets should therefore be interpreted in the context of a wellcoordinated mobilization mechanism, as they show a surprising amount of preparation and control: The possibility of state-orchestrated colonization in Pylos raises the additional possibility that such ventures could have been conducted by other strong Aegean polities of the LHIIIB period.

The palace had skilled craftsmen, possibly from outside the palatial system, with the ability to build and maintain ships. That the palace of Pylos used expert shipbuilders is clear from two tablets: The mention of shipbuilders in the PY An series Hiller The texts provide only two pieces of evidence about the type and size of ships, and both indicate the existence of oared galleys: The first is PY An 1, mentioned previously, which hints at the existence of a triaconter a ship of thirty rowers.

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The second, PY Vn 46, lists materials for shipbuilding and may allude to the construction of a ship for fewer than thirty rowers Palaima Galleys could be used in various ways: Among their warfare capabilities, Wedde counts rapid deployment and the ability to serve as a fighting platform. The lack of evidence for merchant ships in the palatial period may attest to a bias toward the more prestigious and warlike galleys possibly depicted in the LHIIIC ship representations Chapter 4.

One piece of evidence for ships other than galleys may be a depiction on a Mycenaean krater from Enkomi Vermeule and Karageorghis Ship on a larnax from Gazi after Wachsmann These ships were probably larger and fit for trade more than the type V and VI galleys. Although there are many gaps in the evidence at hand, it may not be far from the truth to assume the existence of a variety of vessels, mostly oared galleys of different shapes and sizes, in the LHIIIB period. This versatility most probably enabled a wide range of maritime interactions in the thirteenth century bce — from long-distance trade to maritime raids and naval fighting.

Some areas outside the Aegean mainland, notably the Dodecanese and parts of western Anatolia, belonged to the sphere of Aegean culture even before the fourteenth century, when Mycenaean culture gradually replaced that of the Minoans see Mee b; Thus, for example, Miletus IV provides a very fine archaeological record in support of a Minoan colonization, with all aspects of material culture, from cooking and textile production to art and religion, reflecting Minoan behavioral patterns Niemeier ; ; Kaiser The Mycenaean Palatial Culture and the Outside World such as chamber tombs and fineware pottery, including domestic fineware pottery, began to appear Niemeier However, the published cooking pot fragment has Anatolian traits horseshoe-shaped lug handle as well as Mycenaean ones Niemeier Circular hearths inside the houses may conform to either Aegean or Anatolian prototypes, while one of the types of kilns found in the second building period pre-LHIIIB is of clear Anatolian shape Niemeier Evidence for a Minoan colony was also found in Trianda, in Rhodes.

The nearby cemetery and settlement of Ialysos tells a tale of gradual transition to the realms of Mycenaean culture Girella ; Karantzali Fineware pottery of the LHIIIA1—2 reflects Mycenaean forms, yet courseware pottery such as conical cups, cooking pots, and amphorae continues Minoan traditions. Still other forms exhibit a combination of Anatolian and Minoan traits. Without evidence for a deep change in the domestic behavioral patterns that can be ascribed to a Mycenaean migration, the appearance of elements of Mycenaean culture in Rhodes and Miletus in the fourteenth century may be ascribed to changes in the political power in LHIIIA, resulting in stylistic preferences and gradual Mycenaean acculturation.

Norm and Variety is perhaps the most elaborate attempt to deal with the possible Mycenaean colonization in areas outside the Aegean Sea. Kilian suggests different types of interaction between the Mycenaean world and other areas, which he sorts according to the quality and the quantity of Mycenaean material culture traits. The result of this analysis is a hierarchy of cultural radiation from Mycenaean territories and periphery, through community colonies and nucleus presence, to free exchange patterns. The case for community colonies, a term widely used in discussing Minoan colonization Branigan , has not gained support from further research.

The three main cases treated by Kilian as areas where he claims there were Mycenaean community colonies — Italy including the islands , Macedonia, and Cyprus discussed earlier — appear to have had no substantial Mycenaean colonization in the LHIIIB period: While the finds from Italy, Sicily, and Sardinia show some evidence of the presence of Aegeans abroad in the LHIIIB period, they probably do not attest the existence of community colonies. Vagnetti and Jones They suggest that the local manufacture of LH pottery is a complex phenomenon that should be studied and explained case by case: Jones, Levi, and Bettelli Similarly, a combination of trade and the presence of itinerant artisans may have resulted in the phenomenon of technological transmission related to locally made bronzes in the Cypriot style Vagnetti and Jones An explanation for a limited presence of foreigners might also solve the problem of the eastern-type architecture of rectangular warehouses found at Thapsos, in Sicily Fig.

The innovative plan, which was executed nonetheless in local building style, is attributed by Militello Although no Aegean pottery was found in these buildings Militello To Alberti and Bettelli , the choice of vessel types in some of the Thapsos tomb assemblages reflects Aegean belief systems.

These could have been transmitted through the presence of a number of Aegeans integrated into the local community. The presence of resident Mycenaean traders and artisans has been reconstructed at the possible emporia of Scoglio del Tonno in southern Italy and Antigori in the Gulf of Cagliari Webster Other sites, further inland, such as Broglio and Termitito, may have supported a Mycenaean presence but were not directly involved in trade networks. Thapsos in Sicily after Militello The former exemplified by, inter alia, Aegean-type pottery kilns and clay recipes provides an indication of deep change following settlement or a substantial presence of Aegeans abroad.

The absence of evidence for domestic Aegean behavioral patterns in Italy or the islands, expected to be reflected in objects, such as Aegean-style cooking 8 T. Whether itinerant or permanent residents, these artisans probably traveled alone or in small groups, moving on merchant ships — at times using them as a base of operations and at other times as a source of information for potential markets. Thus far, there is no clear evidence for the activity of LHIII Aegean artisans working with gold or glass, engraving seals, or painting frescoes outside the palatial context of the Greek mainland and Crete.

It is plausible that more Aegean artisans were active abroad than is evident from the case studies presently available, and that their identification in Italy may provide important methodological tools for extrapolation to the thirteenthand twelfth-century Levant Chapter 6.

A few diplomats, commercial representatives, local and foreign merchants, and perhaps some mercenaries may have been the only populations in mainland Greece to have firsthand knowledge of the foreign countries as well as of the Levant. Only the upper echelons of the Ahhiyawan elite, engaged in Anatolian diplomacy, had accurate and updated information on non-Aegean regions. Other elite members and scribes may have heard, possibly secondhand, about foreign lands, and they may have known what commodities arrived from them. Foreign goods and loanwords may have been brought to the Aegean by Syro-Canaanite or Cypriot intermediaries Bass Still, an important source of knowledge was the migrants and perhaps traders who reached the Mycenaean world.

Those presented a widely available — yet not always reliable — picture of at least some parts of the outside world, mainly of communities in western Anatolia and the northeastern Aegean Islands. Even this type of geographic knowledge differed from place to place in the Aegean world.

The amount of information corresponded to the geographic distance from the destination, the sphere of interaction, and political and economic parameters inside each polity. From the survey of foreign ethnonyms or toponyms in Linear B, it seems likely that there was more information available about the areas closer to mainland Greece, particularly about Crete, 9 I would like to thank L. Vagnetti for this information. Significantly, it seems that Pylos, Thebes, Mycenae, and Knossos hardly knew of or at least wrote very little about the Levant during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries; they also knew nothing at all about Canaan.

Similarly, knowledge about Egypt in the thirteenth century was very limited if not entirely nonexistent. Fragmentary as it is, the evidence from Linear B sources and archaeological data provides crucial insights to the nature of Aegean maritime abilities and political power at the final days of the thirteenth-century Aegean. The evidence presented in this chapter strongly supports the hypothesis connecting the level of social complexity to the ability to conduct different ranges of interregional interaction.

Indeed, the complex Mycenaean society was involved in a wide variety of interactions with various parts of the Mediterranean in the thirteenth century. If the Ahhiyawa correspondence is indeed related to mainland Greece, there was an immense diplomatic and perhaps military involvement of the Mycenaean rulership in western Anatolia during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries bce. Acheson ; Davis and Bennet to power diplomacy, typical of the developed monarchies of the ancient Near East.

The flash of gold, glossy glass, and bright ivory seen in the Mycenaean palaces, as well as in the Uluburun ship, gives the impression that longdistance trade in raw materials for the palatial workshops and in finished luxury items was the most important interaction of the Aegean world with the outside. However, this picture is somewhat misleading. The lack of reference to Aegean traders in the Near Eastern sources, as well as in both the Linear B data and the Hittite references to Ahhiyawans, does not support the existence of independent, large-scale Mycenaean trade.

Evidence from the cargoes of ships suggests that, although some were indeed engaged in trading expeditions, they did so in cooperation with Syro-Canaanite and Cypriot traders. The palatial involvement in trade may have been, as suggested by Pulak for the Uluburun ship, limited to the commissioning of the cargo, and providing envoys to direct and monitor the journey. State-orchestrated maritime raids or colonization.

Much of this activity was carried in the nonpalatial sector and therefore likely continued after the collapse of the palatial system. Ports and naval installations such as ship sheds built during the heyday of palatial power could have also served as infrastructure for postpalatial naval activities, as at least some of the ships were built during the final years of the thirteenth century. Aegean mass migration and the permanent presence of Aegeans abroad were probably rather rare.

Individual or small groups of artisans most likely lived in communities in Sardinia, southern Italy, and Sicily.

The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age

Colonization carried out in the LHIIIB within the borders of the Aegean world and within the sphere of Aegean culture is not recognized in the archaeological record, as the material culture of the newcomers — not too different from that of the existing Aegean population in the area — would be interpreted as changes in settlement patterns rather than colonization. These abilities were by no means available to all, and their application depended on factors of personal status and social complexity.

Two specific ranges of interactions, the financing of long-range trade in raw materials for the production of luxury items and state-orchestrated, large-scale maritime ventures whether for colonization or other purposes , were probably launched by only the very top echelons of the ruling elite. These interactions required an investment in resources far beyond the abilities of most individuals. In the case of international trade in raw materials, the profit may have been high, but so were the necessary funding and the danger of lost cargo. The investment and risk in a colonial venture were even greater, as they required more than great investment of resources in ships and supplies; the entire endeavor was a long-term risk, as revenues came only after an extensive period, if at all, and further investment in 10 For example, cooking traditions are reflected in evidence obtained from botanical and archaeozoological evidence, as well as from analysis of coarseware pottery.

The Mycenaean Palatial Culture and the Outside World human and other resources was needed even after the initial foundation. Only powerful polities, such as LHIIIA2—B Mycenae, Pylos, and Thebes, could risk commercial disasters such as the sinking of the Uluburun ship or the terrible cost in people and resources of an unsuccessful maritime raid or colonial venture.

The involvement of the ruling elite in initiating these costly and dangerous interactions can be easily understood as the result of a single pull factor: It is likely that some other members of society, such as traders, shipowners, fishermen, and artisans, had access to ships and information, yet their ability to attract human resources was naturally less than that of the palaces.

The great power of the palaces may have also been used to sanction some forms of interaction, perhaps through trade monopolies and taxes Gillis Large segments of society were therefore denied resources and information and were unable to be involved in any range of interaction. Some may have been subjects of or dependents on the palaces; others may have been bound to the land. Such circumstances probably played a role in restricting mass colonization in the thirteenth century along with other forms of interaction connected with the movements of large groups of people.

The legacy left by the Mycenaean palatial culture to twelfth-century-bce maritime interactions was therefore one of potential as well as one of praxis. It will be demonstrated in the following two chapters that the main differences between the thirteenth and twelfth centuries bce are found in aspects of social complexity and rulership.

Although knowledge of the outside world may have been sketchy, skills of shipbuilding, navigation, and even some aspects of organization of naval activities were ready to serve the new rulership of the twelfth century. With the collapse of the palatial civilization, a change in push and pull factors triggered new ranges of interregional interactions that had not occurred before.

With the destruction of all the Mycenaean palaces at the turn of the twelfth century, the end of the Linear B administration, and the effective loss of most forms of elite art, a new era began with new and innovative forms of social organization. The quest for the social explanation of the Philistine migration should begin, therefore, with an understanding of the social structure of the people whose ambitions and abilities set it in motion, the rulers and elites of the Aegean area. In recent years, it has become more widely accepted that there was significant continuity from the world of the thirteenth century bce to that of the twelfth century.

Although some sites suffered destruction and abandonment, other sites, such as Tiryns, Mycenae, and Athens, continued to be inhabited. The process of decline seems to have been gradual, resulting in a great increase in the wealth and numbers of settlements toward the end of the LHIIIC period.

However, does continuity of habitation necessarily mean continuity of rulership? Scholars differ widely in their answers to this question, which carries significant implications about the ability of the settlements to conduct various interactions. Yasur-Landau Linear B and Homeric literature attest to some continuity in the political structure from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, manifested in the surviving rulership titles of wanax and basileus, and in attributes of kingship like the skeptron scepter and the temenos Lenz However, the connotation of these terms in Homeric literature seems to be different from that in the Linear B context Lenz Despite the apparent continuity, Lenz It is postulated that the wanax fell with the palace system, and the basileus, a local political power during the palatial period Palaima The Mycenaean palace system of the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries, with its overcentralized and monopolistic character, was doomed to fail.

Each fortified acropolis protected the settlement on its slopes Deger-Jalkotzy b: The polities had a limited hierarchy of power and no bureaucracy. This plausible picture of the fragmented nature of rulership in the twelfth century provides a good starting point for a still more detailed, synthetic study of the regional and ideological aspects of the LHIIIC sociopolitical system to be presented here. First, case studies of specific sites display the variability in types of rulership in different regions of the Aegean world.

Second, a detailed survey of the iconography of painted pottery is used to determine whether the change between LHIIIB and LHIIIC marked the annihilation of the former type of monarchy, and if so, what the ideological agenda of the new elite was. In contrast to the relative ease with which social complexity is extracted from literary evidence Chapter 2 , the use of material culture remains for the same purpose is an extremely complex task e.

It seems that the most successful results have been derived from the analysis of several complementary aspects of the material culture rather than from a concentration on a single field, such as differentiation in burials or size hierarchy in domestic buildings cf. The criteria chosen here to represent the existence of a developed social hierarchy, and perhaps even the type of rulership, are the existence of two types of monumental architecture: It is supposed that the level of social complexity stands in direct ratio to the amount of energy invested in the construction of fortifications and to the level of planning reflected in their layout cf.

In addition, the extent of a settlement and its population size is also taken into consideration. An examination of communities in Dark Ages Greece may indicate that communities of five hundred members or more display a certain level of social hierarchy Morris Because architecture is an effective index of cultural complexity Abrams Political and Social Background figure 3.

YasurLandau structures may have existed at sites that display no monumental architecture, either because of limitations in the archaeological record or possibly because of a change in the pattern of rulership after LHIIIB. The geographic scope of the site survey is within the borders of what may be generally considered the Mycenaean world of the thirteenth century bce: Political and Social Background figures 3. Yasur-Landau, after Renfrew Phylakopi, megaron building drawn by A.

Yasur-Landau, after Schallin This unit contains a central megaron with a hearth and an entrance unit. Because this structure was excavated and findings published early in the twentieth century, it is impossible to assess the time and circumstances of the end of its use. However, it may have been used contemporaneously with the fortifications.

Two shrines found in Phylakopi Renfrew ; Whittaker The damage was repaired and a blocking wall was built along the main room of the western shrine Phase 3a. A 1,meter fortification wall that encircled an area of five hectares was constructed during this period. The bastions set at regular intervals in the wall indicate a Hittite influence or are a combination of Hittite and Mycenaean fortification elements Niemeier and Niemeier The scant architecture preserved from this period in the area of the Athena temple includes the remains of a Korridorhaus of the type common in the Aegean world: This house can be interpreted as evidence of the existence of nonruling elites.

Of the four swords found, one is of an Aegean form and three are non-Aegean, probably of Hittite origin Niemeier It is important note that the sites of Phylakopi and Miletus in LHIIIB were not true palatial centers, as they do not present archives, complex administration, or palatial art. Miletus, remains of the third building period after Niemeier Miletus may have been an important center in the Late Bronze Age strong entity of Ahhiyawa, mentioned in Hittite texts Niemeier Koukounaries on Paros Fig.

The rocky acropolis of Koukounaries is located at a dominating point above the bay of Naussa. Remains of a cyclopean wall were found at the bottom of the hill and on terraces on the hill. The plateau on the crest of the hill is occupied by a mansion Fig. Two corridors forming a right angle give access to the various basement rooms. Koukounaries on Paros photo by A. Yasur-Landau ruler, as objects connected with elite activities, such as a large fragment of a decorated ivory throne and a bathtub, were found among the objects that had fallen into the storerooms Schilardi The entire complex was covered with a thick ash layer, indicating violent destruction by fire.

Skeletons of cattle and other domestic animals show that the defenders of the site tried to save their flocks by taking them indoors. Round stones and bent arrowheads provide evidence of a siege on the mansion. The building at Koukounaries drawn by A. The population of Tiryns apparently grew significantly in LHIIIC — perhaps as a result of the arrival of refugees from other parts of the Argolid, synoecism Kilian b: Kilian reconstructs a postpalatial stratification by which a leading group resided in the smaller residence on top of the ruined megaron and other elements of society that maintained some inherited power, thus enabling control of this city of ten thousand for more than a generation.

However, this picture of continuity needs to be updated with new evidence from recent excavations at the site. The entire structure measures 6. Two pillar bases of the earlier megaron are set along its axis, and there might have been an inner tripartite division similar to that of the LHIIIB megaron. The reuse in the new megaron structure of the throne base from the earlier structure is a clear connection to the palatial past by the constructors of Building T, and perhaps validates a claim of palatial descent.

Tiryns, walls of Building T visible on top of the Mycenaean megaron photo by A. The Tiryns treasure, a collection of bronze vessels and implements as well as a rich array of jewelry found in , supports a similar claim of palatial ancestry. It may have been the heirloom collection of one of the ruling families of the twelfth century. The old heirlooms with them stories relating to the family history, thus carrying messages of the great ancestry of the family and supporting claims for palatial lineage Maran: However, large and well-built structures were constructed outside the walls of the acropolis, suggesting the fragmentation of power in LHIIIC Tiryns.

Its main feature is a large central room 11 meters by 7 meters — larger than the central room of Building T — in which a rectangular hearth and heavy stone pillar bases were found, with smaller rooms to the south and north and remains of painted stucco Gercke and Hiesel Tiryns, House W drawn by A. Yasur-Landau, after Gercke and Hiesel Very large stones incorporated in the foundations further attest to its import. The emergence in Tiryns of foci of power outside the upper city and the possibility of several active power bases functioning at the same time indicate a sharp break in the continuity of rulership.

The use of megaronlike structures by the ruling elite, together with other features, such as painted stucco and stone pillar bases, indicates an attempt to achieve elite status by using the old language of power. Building T on the acropolis, despite being the seat of an individual claiming a palatial ancestry, did not rule the entire settlement.

Mycenae may provide a similar example of partial continuity in rulership, or at least of enduring power of some of the elite Mountjoy a: According to Iakovidis Other evidence of cultural continuity is seen in the fragments of LHIIIC frescoes found in a house in the vicinity of the Hellenistic tower in the lower acropolis — the fragments do not differ in technique and quality from those prevailing in the previous period Lewartowski The megaron from Midea after Shelmerdine Continuity after destruction, similar to that seen at Tiryns, is detected clearly at Midea.

The large megaron at Midea Fig. Aigeira, from the south after http: Little is known about the function of most of the buildings from to this phase. A main building containing three or more rooms — the large, central one measuring four meters by eight meters — was labeled the seat of a ruler Herrschersitz. Agios Andreas, on Siphnos Figs. The hilltop settlement was fortified with a 3. At least three gateways led to the site.

Recesses on the inside of the wall beside two towers contained steps. A second line of fortification, a wall 1. According to a reexamination of the site by Televantou Agios Andreas hill photo by A. Agios Andreas after Televantou Thus, the site is more easily interpreted as a hilltop fort of an elite group than as a place of refuge for a small community. Grotta, on Naxos Figs. In the Mitropolis area, a thick fortification wall with a foundation of well-cut stone blocks and a mud-brick superstructure was found further inland. Agios Spyridon, on western Melos Cherry The fortified site of Kastrokephala Fig.

Kastrokephala after Nowicki Two rubble piles at the east and west ends of the wall have been interpreted as buttresses. There is no indication of the construction date of this wall. At the highest point of the site, large rectangular rooms built along a single axis have been interpreted as garrisons or residences Hayden Nowicki views the site as resembling Mycenaean citadels more than Minoan refuge settlements At any rate, although the Kastrokephala fortifications may be compared to those of Agios Andreas on Siphnos Hayden All these sites seem to have been the seat of a local ruler or rulers, but they exhibit no evidence of palatial art and almost no evidence of elite life.

The rulers, probably of local origin and without connection to the palatial tradition of the Peloponnese, did not feel the need to use the Peloponnesian symbols of power or pictorial pottery showing Mycenaean elite symbols or activities. It is likely, using the terminology of Whitley b: In the case of big-man rulership in the Dark Ages, Whitley b: Open global navigation Cambridge University Press Academic. View cart 0 Checkout. Include historic titles Search products. Register Sign in Wishlist.

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