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By the 19th century, he maintains, the "truth" of sexuality was being readily explored both through confession and scientific enquiry. Foucault proceeds to examine how the confession of sexuality then comes to be "constituted in scientific terms," arguing that scientists begin to trace the cause of all aspects of human psychology and society to sexual factors.


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In part four, Foucault explores the question as to why western society wishes to seek for the "truth" of sex. Foucault argues that we need to develop an "analytics" of power through which to understand sex. Highlighting that power controls sex by laying down rules for it to follow, he discusses how power demands obedience through domination, submission, and subjugation, and also how power masks its true intentions by disguising itself as beneficial.

As an example, he highlights the manner in which the feudal absolute monarchies of historical Europe, themselves a form of power , disguised their intentions by claiming that they were necessary to maintain law, order, and peace. As a leftover concept from the days of feudalism , Foucault argues that westerners still view power as emanating from law, but he rejects this, proclaiming that we must " Foucault explains that he does not mean power as the domination or subjugation exerted on society by the government or the state.

Rather, power should be understood "as the multiplicity of force relations immanent in the sphere in which they operate.

The History of Sexuality - Wikipedia

Foucault criticizes Wilhelm Reich , writing that while an important "historico-political" critique of sexual repression formed around Reich, "the very possibility of its success was tied to the fact that it always unfolded within the deployment of sexuality, and not outside or against it. In part five, Foucault asserts that the motivations for power over life and death have changed.

As in feudal times the "right to life" was more or less a " right to death " because sovereign powers were able to decide when a person died. This has changed to a "right to live," as sovereign states are more concerned about the power of how people live. Power becomes about how to foster life. For example, a state decides to execute someone as a safe guard to society not as justified, as it once was, as vengeful justice. This new emphasis on power over life is called Biopower and comes in two forms. First, Foucault says it is "centered on the body as a machine: In this volume, Foucault discusses "the manner in which sexual activity was problematized by philosophers and doctors in classical Greek culture of the fourth century B.

Other authors whose work is discussed include Galen , Plutarch , and Pseudo-Lucian. Foucault describes the Oneirocritica as a "point of reference" for his work, one that exemplifies a common way of thinking. Three volumes of The History of Sexuality were published before Foucault's death in The work was a further development of the account of the interaction of knowledge and power Foucault provided in Discipline and Punish According to Arnold Davidson , the back cover of the first volume announced that there would be five forthcoming volumes: Volume 2, The Flesh and the Body , would "concern the prehistory of our modern experience of sexuality, concentrating on the problematization of sex in early Christianity "; Volume 3, The Children's Crusade , would discuss "the sexuality of children, especially the problem of childhood masturbation "; Volume 4, Woman, Mother, Hysteric , would discuss "the specific ways in which sexuality had been invested in the female body"; Volume 5, Perverts , was "planned to investigate exactly what the title named"; and Volume 6, Population and Races , was to examine "the way in which treatises, both theoretical and practical, on the topics of population and race were linked to the history" of " biopolitics.

The latter volume deals considerably with the ancient technological development of the hypomnema which was used to establish a permanent relationship to oneself. Both were published in , the year of Foucault's death, the second volume being translated in , and the third in In his lecture series from to Foucault extended his analysis of government to its " These themes of early Christian literature seemed to dominate Foucault's work, alongside his study of Greek and Roman literature, until the end of his life.

The planned fourth volume of The History of Sexuality was accordingly entitled Confessions of the Flesh Les aveux de la chair , addressing Christianity. However, Foucault's death left the work incomplete, and the publication was delayed due to the restrictions of Foucault's estate. It was edited and finally published in February The sociologist Stephen O.

Murray wrote in the Archives of Sexual Behavior that a passage of The History of Sexuality in which Foucault discussed how European medical discourse of the late 19th century had classified homosexuals had "clouded the minds" of many social historical theorists and researchers, who had produced a "voluminous discourse" that ignored how homosexuals had been classified before the late 19th century or non-European cultures.

He credited Foucault with inspiring "genealogical" studies "informed by the heuristic idea that not only are patterns of sexual desire and behavior socially engineered He credited Simone de Beauvoir with anticipating Foucault's view that patterns of sexual desire and behavior are socially determined. The historian Jane Caplan called The History of Sexuality "certainly the most ambitious and interesting recent attempt to analyse the relations between the production of concepts and the history of society in the field of sexuality", but criticized Foucault for using an "undifferentiated concept" of speech and an imprecise notion of "power".

Merquior considered the second two volumes of The History of Sexuality to be of higher scholarly quality than the first, and found Foucault to be "original and insightful" in his discussion of the Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius and other Stoics in The Care of the Self. However, he found the details of Foucault's views open to question, and suggested that Foucault's discussion of Greek pederasty is less illuminating than that of Kenneth Dover , despite Foucault's references to Dover's Greek Homosexuality The philosopher Roger Scruton , writing in Sexual Desire , rejected Foucault's claim that sexual morality is culturally relative and criticized Foucault for assuming that there could be societies in which a "problematisation" of the sexual did not occur.

Scruton concluded that, "No history of thought could show the 'problematisation' of sexual experience to be peculiar to certain specific social formations: The philosopher Judith Butler argued in Gender Trouble that the theory of power Foucault expounds in the first volume of The History of Sexuality is to some extent contradicted by Foucault's subsequent discussion of the journals of Herculine Barbin, a 19th-century French hermaphrodite: Butler further argued that this conflict is evident within The History of Sexuality , noting that Foucault refers there to "bucolic" and "innocent" sexual pleasures that exist prior to the imposition of "regulative strategies".

The classicist David M. Halperin , writing in One Hundred Years of Homosexuality , claimed that the appearance of the English translation of the first volume of Foucault's work in , together with the publication of Dover's Greek Homosexuality the same year, marked the beginning of a new era in the study of the history of sexuality.

Paglia wrote that much of The History of Sexuality is fantasy unsupported by the historical record, and that it "is acknowledged even by Foucault's admirers to be his weakest work". The historian Michael Mason wrote that in The History of Sexuality , Foucault presents what amounts to an argument "against the possibility of making historical connections between beliefs about sex and sexual practices", but that the argument is only acceptable if one accepts the need to shift attention from "sexuality" to "sex" in thinking about the sexual culture of the last three centuries, and that Foucault does not make a case for such a need.

The classicist Bruce Thornton wrote that The Use of Pleasure was, "usually quite readable, surveying the ancient evidence to make some good observations about the various techniques developed to control passion", but faulted Foucault for limiting his scope to "fourth-century medical and philosophical works".

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The psychoanalyst Joel Whitebook argued that while Foucault proposes that "bodies and pleasures" should be the rallying point against "the deployment of sexuality", "bodies and pleasures", like other Foucauldian terms, is a notion with "little content. Scruton wrote in that, contrary to Foucault's claims, the ancient texts Foucault examines in The Use of Pleasure are not primarily about sexual pleasure. Nevertheless, he found the second two volumes of The History of Sexuality more scholarly than Foucault's previous work. Scruton concluded, of the work in general, that it creates an impression of a "normalized" Foucault: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

For the history article, see History of human sexuality.

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The Homosexualization of America. The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. Creation of the Sacred: Tracks of Biology in Early Religions. Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. A Literary History of Sadomasochism. The Cambridge Women's Studies Group, ed. Over the next two days, spokesmen were elected in two regiments of the 69th Division to petition for an end to the offensive. By the end of May more units of the 5th, 6th, 13th, 35th, 43rd, 62nd, 77th and th Divisions mutinied and revolts occurred in 21 divisions in May. Even in regiments in which there was direct confrontation, such as the 74th Infantry Regiment, the men did not harm their officers but simply refused to launch any attack.

Moreover, news on the February Revolution in Russia was being published in French socialist newspapers, and anonymous pacifist propaganda leaflets were very widely distributed. In , Guy Pedroncini examined French military archives and discovered that 49 infantry divisions were destabilised and experienced repeated episodes of mutiny. Of the 49, nine divisions were gravely affected by mutinous behavior, 15 were seriously affected, and 25 divisions were affected by isolated but repeated instances of mutinous behavior.

The crisis of morale occurred mainly in the infantry, which had borne the overwhelming brunt of casualties since the beginning of the war. Branches such as the heavy artillery, which was located far behind the front lines, and those cavalry regiments that were still mounted, remained unaffected by the mutinies; providing detachments to round up deserters and restore order. Only 12 field artillery regiments were affected by the crisis of indiscipline.

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From 8 June, the military authorities took swift and decisive action: The relative lack of rigour in repressing the mutinies provoked adverse reactions among some of the French Army's divisional commanders. Activists in some Russian units in France had been spreading word of the revolution underway in Russia and encouraging other Russians and Frenchmen to join them. The rebellious First Russian Brigade was encircled by loyal Russian troops in September at Camp de La Courtine and bombarded with cannon, killing 8 men and wounding That episode became the basis of widespread false rumours that the French had bombarded French units.

They were taken with minimal French casualties. As to the mutinous soldiers, they were motivated by despair, not by politics or pacifism [ citation needed ]. They feared that infantry offensives could never prevail over the fire of machine guns and artillery. The French government suppressed the news to avoid alerting the Germans or harming morale on the home front. The extent and the intensity of the mutinies were disclosed for the first time in by Guy Pedroncini , in his Les Mutineries de His project had been made possible by the opening of most of the relevant military archives 50 years after the events, a delay that was in conformity with French War Ministry procedure.

However, there are still undisclosed archives on the mutinies, which are believed to contain documents mostly of a political nature; they will not be opened to researchers until years after the mutinies, in Leonard Smith has argued that the mutinies were akin to labour strikes and could be considered, at least partly, political in nature. The soldiers demanded more leave and better food and objected to the use of colonial workers on the home front.

They were also deeply concerned about the welfare of their families.

Concurrently, that policy saved the appearance of absolute authority exercised by the French high command. Smith thus placed the mutinies into their wider ideological context and demonstrated the extent to which French soldiers and mutineers had internalised the main tenets of Republican ideology. The most persistent episodes of collective indiscipline involved a relatively small number of French infantry divisions and so the mutinies did not threaten a complete military collapse.

However, because of continuing morale issues in more than half of the frontline formations, it took until the early months of for the French Army to have fully recovered. Because of the mutinies, the French high command became reluctant to initiate another major offensive. However, whilst the Americans arrived in France in spring , they were inexperienced, and US generals had orders not to accept responsibility for military zones. This meant that for summer and autumn , British troops had to both reinforce the zones that the French had disappeared from, and also teach American troops.

The British tried to reinvigorate French morale by launching the Third Battle of Ypres , or Passchendaele, with varied success but pertinently relieving pressure on the French to the south. The Allies withstood the German Spring Offensive, and held their ground until November, when the year British naval blockade of Germany paid dividends. Starved of food, Germany collapsed on the home front. Their leadership was compelled to sue for peace, notwithstanding that hardly an Allied foot had been set on German soil.

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1917 French Army mutinies

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