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The book argues –– /49 that these ideological battles generated a 12 For all subsequent references to this first edition of Marx and Engels' works, . German mercantile bourgeoisie, Humoristische Skizzen aus dem deutschen So sieht Robespierre in der großen Armuth und dem großen Reichthume nur.
Table of contents
- Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert
- Das Jahrhundert. Lernplattform ZEIT für die Schule
- The Revolution of 1830 as a European Media Event
- social media links menu
Was hatte die spanische Thronfolge mit dem Krieg zu tun? Was war die Emser Depesche? Was stand in der Kaiserproklamation? Antworten auf diese und viele weitere Fragen finden Sie hier. Unruhen und Revolutionen Revolutionen im Jahrhundert In der Geschichte der deutschen Unruhen und Revolutionen im Auf unserer Themenseite zu Revolutionen im Jahrhundert so oft unter sich auf, dass einige Polen die Nase voll davon haben, unter Fremdherrschaft zu stehen. So kommt es zum Krakauer Aufstand. Liberalismus, Konservatismus und Sozialismus Entwicklung des politischen Liberalismus in Deutschland politik.
Die Partei der Freiheit mises. Was ist der Manchesterliberalismus? Was haben Kulturkampf und Liberalismus miteinander zu tun? Was versteht man unter Freihandel? Robert Blum und die Revolution zdf. Jahrhundert ist die Trennung von Staat und Kirche. Sie wollen sie nur aus Politik und Justiz heraus halten. Konservatismus — Edmund Burke metzlerverlag. Eine kurze Definition des Begriffs Konservatismus findet sich hier. Gerlach, Ernst Ludwig deutsche-biographie.
Was in der Theorie darunter zu verstehen ist, beschreibt dieser kurze Text.
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Das Kommunistische Manifest uni-muenster. Jahrhundert beziehen sich in den deutschen Staaten zahlreiche Parteien positiv auf Marx und Engels. Auf dieser Seite lernen Sie sie kennen: Die Konservativen und Liberalen lehnen sie scharf ab. Die deutsche Frauenbewegung dhm. Was unterscheidet die beiden? Jahrhundert Zu den beiden Entwicklungen, die die Wirtschaft des Das ist zum einen die Industrialisierung. Jahrhundert wird Deutschland zur Industrienation. Zum anderen steigt Deutschland im Die meisten verlinkten Materialien sind Fernsehdokumentationen, aber es gibt auch einige Texte. Auch noch im Doch nicht immer bestimmt ein Habsburger allein die politischen Geschicke.
In diesem Film lernen Sie ihn und seine Zeit kennen. Der Hass vieler Menschen richtet sich gegen die kapitalistischen Liberalen und die Juden. Jahrhunderts im Habsburgerreich erfahren Sie aus diesem Film. Die Hohenzollern Im Ab stellen die Hohenzollern den Kaiser des Deutschen Reichs.
Er hat bereits ein langes Leben hinter sich, als er die Kaiserkrone annimmt. Wie dieses Leben aussieht, schildert dieser Text. Jahrhundert finden Sie auf dieser Seite. Die Bayern sind bereits Nation. Parlamentarismus, Konstitutionalismus und die Paulskirche Der Verfassungstyp der deutschen konstitutionellen Monarchie jura. Jahrhundert leben die Deutschen nicht in einer Demokratie, sondern in einer konstitutionellen Monarchie.
Die Paulskirche — Symbol demokratischer Freiheit und nationaler Einheit stadtgeschichte-ffm. Sehr kurzlebig ist die Deutsche Union. Sie zeigt, wie tief im Es streiten liberale Parlamentarier gegen konservative Adelige, allen voran Wilhelm I. Kampfgeist, Opferbereitschaft und kriegerisches Denken sind positive Werte. Wie sich das im Der Alldeutsche Verband bis freiburg-postkolonial. Jahrhundert nicht nur in der Kaserne sitzen oder exerzieren.
Und jede Nation hat ihre Helden. Zwei von ihnen sind Carl von Clausewitz und Helmuth von Moltke. Influential publicists such as the editor-in-chief of Le National , Adolphe Thiers — , were thus drivers of the revolution and took up political offices after the Trois Glorieuses. There was therefore a close connection from the very beginning between the revolution and the media, which created ideal conditions for the reporting of the events in Paris throughout Europe, which soon began. The news from France resonated in a European communicative space, in which an increasingly differentiated newspaper industry established itself as distinct from private and official correspondence, and assumed responsibility for professional news transfer.
However, in the numerous horse couriers that were employed by the governments and the large merchant and banking houses were even quicker than regular post and the postal delivery of newspapers. The building of paved roads had shortened journey times ; steam-powered shipping and the first railways had accelerated communication ; and telegraph lines were also already available.
In , the main British and French daily newspapers, such as the Times and the Moniteur , were read throughout Europe, after their distribution network had spread through large parts of the continent in the 18th century. The distribution of these newspapers had been assisted by a series of technological innovations, which from the turn of the century had simplified and accelerated the printing process for the large daily newspapers, thereby making bigger and bigger print runs possible.
Of particular importance were the paper machine invented by Nicolas-Louis Robert — in and the rapid press developed by Friedrich Koenig — and Andreas Friedrich Bauer — in After these inventors had succeeded with the help of British capital and know-how in turning their inventions into businesses, the paper machine and the rapid press — which by now was also steam powered — returned to the continent, where they replaced the older technology in the s.
In addition to full-time editors, the most influential newspapers also engaged a dense network of journalists and correspondents, who sent in regular news and reports. These developments made it possible for news of the ordinances of Charles X, and soon afterwards news of the Paris revolution, to travel across Europe in a short space of time. The response of the media to the rebellions in Belgium and Poland in the subsequent months was no less intensive.
The extraordinary intensity and speed of news transfer was already apparent to contemporaries. Thus, the Allgemeine Politische Annalen of the liberal poltician Carl von Rotteck — commented a few weeks after the Trois Glorieuses: But — as it pointed out — even government censorship had failed to prevent the transfer of news throughout Europe, particularly as the news from Paris spoke for itself to an extent: It was horse couriers of the Rothschild banking house who brought first news of the events in Paris to London.
Cotta's Allgemeine Zeitung first carried a report on the ordinances on 1 August in the form of correspondence from Paris dated 26 July. However, the readers of the Allgemeine Zeitung were not given a comprehensive report until 6 August , after the editor had "finally received correspondence and liberal newspapers from Paris" A large portion of the European elites received news of the events in Paris in the communications centres of the international spa resorts.
For example, the French ambassador in Electoral Hesse, Sabatier de Cabre, learned of the events in Paris while visiting the baths in Wiesbaden.
Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert
According to Heine's account, news of the events in Paris caused similar excitement among the Hamburg clientele taking the waters in the seaside resort of Cuxhaven. Already on 31 July, couriers had brought them the Moniteur of 26 July, in which the ordinances were printed. Other couriers who had travelled via Frankfurt arrived on 2 and 3 August, and on 4 August they had already learned of the victory of the Paris revolutionaries.
Away from the spa resorts and capital cities, it is likely that many people learned of the Paris events in a similar way to the publicist and politician Johann Georg August Wirth — in Bayreuth. According to his own account, he learned of the restriction of liberties by Charles X relatively late — in the first days of August — from passing trade couriers.
The German newspapers published extracts from French newspapers, and these reports of events were often read aloud to groups of people. On 1 August , couriers of the banker Ascan Wilhelm Lutteroth — brought news to Hamburg that Charles X had fled and of the barricade fighting in Paris. News of the revolution in Paris reached St.
Petersburg on 11 August Though Tsar Nicholas I initially prohibited the press from reporting on the events, rumours nonetheless spread through the aristocratic salons, the cafes and the universities. These were disseminated on the one hand by well-informed members of the high aristocracy, and on the other hand by foreigners living in Russia , particularly the French themselves.
Petersburg and Moscow , but also to the provincial Russian cities. They greeted the news with great excitement. Here also, enthusiasm for the revolution was primarily limited to the elites. The prison guards, by contrast, were "perplexed" by the wild jubilation of the Decembrists because "they knew nothing about politics. In the weeks and months after the Trois Glorieuses , the newspaper reports were supplemented by eye-witness accounts published in monograph form.
The Paris events prompted many witnesses to record their experiences in diaries, letters and memoirs, of which only a small portion made it into print. Some of the reports contained graphical illustrations, depicting key figures and scenes of the Trois Glorieuses. For example, the Full annals of the revolution in France published by the British writer and humourist William Hone — in September contained portraits of Louis-Philippe and Lafayette, and depictions of the raising of the red flag at the Porte St.
The significance that was attributed to these events everywhere was informed primarily by the crises, upheavals and wars that people had experienced in the preceding four decades. The memory of loomed so large everywhere that neither the governments nor the politically-aware public nor the masses could be indifferent to the recent revolution in Paris.
Das Jahrhundert. Lernplattform ZEIT für die Schule
To many, the Trois Glorieuses seemed like a return of the first French Revolution. They thus assumed that the unrest in distant Paris would affect their daily lives in some form. This view was further strengthened by the outbreak of the Belgian rebellion in August , which started the spread of the revolution from west to east. This was accompanied by widespread fear of a potential war, which reached its highest point in the first half of and which repeatedly flared up until the end of In a poem entitled A la jeune France which he dedicated to the school pupils and students who were caught up in the fighting during the Trois Glorieuses , he wrote: The July revolution not only reawakened memories of and Napoleon, it also reactivated the system of symbols that had developed after the first French Revolution and had become known throughout Europe.
This included first and foremost the tricolour being made the state flag of France again. As they had done after , supporters of the revolution again wore blue-white-and-red cockades, for example the French trade couriers who entered the fortress of the German Confederation in Mainz , where they were promptly ordered by the authorities to take them off, 55 or the elegant Irish lady who attended a gathering in September in Dublin wearing an appropriately coloured headdress. The erecting of liberty poles was also very common, for example in Palatinate-Bavaria , though this symbol received rather idiosyncratic new meanings there.
Heinrich Heine described his memory of this reactivation of revolutionary symbols during the summer of as follows:. The system of revolutionary symbols was supplemented with expressions of international solidarity in the form of money collections, speeches and banquets. The Moniteur regularly reported on such "souscriptions", listing the donors and the sums of money that they had given. For example, the donations listed in the Moniteur on 23 August 60 had been signed by the residents of eight French cities, including Calais and Amiens , the national guard of the village of Arcis-sur-Aube , various French individuals, a man from Geneva , numerous Britons, the Americans living in Paris, as well as the American consul in Lorient.
The largest donation — 10, francs — was made by Lord Thomas Cochrane of Dundonald — and his wife, and more than 40, francs were donated in total on that day. In addition to donations, the French revolutionaries received numerous messages of congratulations from Great Britain. The decision to send these messages was taken at public meetings. Such meetings were held in England , Scotland and Ireland , though different societal groups were the driving force behind them in the different countries.
The Revolution of 1830 as a European Media Event
Radical reformers in England and members of the nationalist movement in Ireland both declared their solidarity with the French July revolutionaries. At these gatherings, the events in Paris were recapitulated and commented upon, so that they could then be related to the situation in one's own country and to one's own political demands.
The messages of congratulations that these meetings agreed upon were sent to the French Chamber of Deputies, and this was then reported on in the local press. It was published in the Belfast Newsletter soon afterwards.
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A few weeks later, the Belfast Newsletter then published a letter from Jacques Laffitte — , in which he thanked the inhabitants of Belfast. The wave of Polish emigrants moving westward after the rebellion was defeated attracted particular attention, which was echoed in the press. It was thus also possible for people who did not live along the travel route of the emigrants to follow their plight.
All over Europe, the supporters of the revolution drew most of their strength from the memory of the Revolution of and the Empire. To this extent, the joy that people felt about the July revolution was dampened somewhat by the fact that it appeared to confirm yet again the French vanguard role in Europe. Thus, in the late summer of British supporters of the revolution distributed pamphlets calling on people to follow the French example, and they used such slogans during the rural unrest as "The Time is at hand!!!
Be ready, be firm and follow France" and "Liberty and Equality! Those who are not for us are against us. The example of the tricolour demonstrates how the revolutionary symbols underwent a nationalist adaptation. In Italy, the green-white-and-red tricolour had already established itself from the days of the republics of the s, while the Polish rebels adopted the colours of the white-and-red Polish royal flag.
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Under these circumstances, an "International of nationalists" 66 emerged, which sought to attain the desired political change through the creation of liberal nation states and attributed a vanguard role to their respective nation in this process. The representatives of this movement made use of a broad palette of forms of political action, which stretched from public appeals in the periodical press and in pamphlets, to founding associations and holding festivals, and to secret organizations, terrorist attacks and guerrilla activity.
The existing European communicative space enabled a quick and intensive transfer of news and ideas. The events were narrated, commented upon and discussed in many publications. In addition to the print media, various types of political publics emerged, which to an extent reverted to proven symbols and actions, but also created new forms of expression.
Due to the Europe-wide memory of the Revolution of , contemporaries attached great significance to the July events and their consequences. At the same time, this memory enabled them to react not only with shock and surprise, but also to evaluate the events by the standards of preexisting value structures. In this process, Europe itself became an "appellate authority" 70 and a political argument both for opponents and supporters of the revolution.
Allgemeine Politische Annalen, NF 3 , pp. Goethes Werke, Part 3: Von August bis Anfang Historisch-kritische Gesamtausgabe der Werke, edited by Manfred Windfuhr, vol. Heinrich Heine an seine Schwester Charlotte Embden geb. Full Annals of the Revolution in France, , London , online: Oden und vermischte Gedichte, Frankfurt am Main